mation of the nomes; constitution of districts; formation of a system of phonetics; hieroglyphs, with syllables up to the alphabet. Latest point, 7000 B.C.

Fourth Epoch, 1,500 years. — Double government, Upper and Lower Egypt; formation of a constitution and an alphabet. Latest point, 5500 B.C.

Fifth Epoch. — This begins with the reign of Menes, in historic order, at 3400 B.C., which gives us a chronology like this:

Khamism, forming . . . . . . . . 1,500 years.
Osirism and picture-writing . . . . . . 1,500
Formation of the nomes . . . . . . . 1,500 ,
Consolidation of Upper and Lower Egypt - 1,500 ,
United in religion under Menes . . . . 3,400 B.C.

Which carries history back to ... 9,400 B.C.

This gives us 6,000 years before Menes. It can be proved, that, at his accession, language, manners, and religion had already become rigid. There were, before his time, we are told, 180 generations, which gives us 5,400 years; and we must throw the emigration back of the Flood, of which it preserved no tradition. That it is not an extravagant estimate, we shall see; for Manetho gives 5,212 human princes before Menes. If we throw out the usual proportion of contemporaneous kings, still this period is not too long.

This paper will indicate in what manner, in Bunsen's view, the existence and antiquity of all other Asiatic nations are involved in that of Egypt. It has been impossible to pause to prove the positions taken. The proof is found in following the two subordinate branches of the main inquiry, — the Hebrew chronology, and the history of the Egyptian literature and monuments, in which we have found the chief interest of these volumes. The scheme of the 21,000-years' cycle is illustrated by careful plates, drawn, in accordance with ancient and modern observation, under the direction of a skilful astronomer. The Sothiac festive year, it will be readily acknowledged, was of such importance, that its celebration would always be remembered in connection with

the king reigning at the time of its celebration. If we celebrated the fourth of July only once in a hundred years, of course the President in office at the time would become prominent. There must be 1,461 years between any two reigns in which such an event occurred: so we have a regulator for the internal chronology. A careless reader might find no proof of the assertion, that Nimrod was a Kossite, or mountaineer of the Caucasus. The proof is mixed in with the philological investigations, and is to be found in the enumerations of the Zend.

The reader who has attempted Bunsen, and given up its perusal in despair, may doubt the fairness of any exposition of his work which seems to run smoothly. It seems proper, then, to indicate in what manner this paper has been prepared. It is based upon the conclusions of the first four volumes of "Egypt's Place in History," carefully studied out and com. pared. Whatever changes are suggested (if any) in the fifth volume are to be further treated by themselves; for that part of it which does not consist of Egyptian remains is merely a summing-up of results. In this reduction, we have thrown out all technical learning not essential to the reader's comprehension of the subject. Learning, necessary to Bunsen's own preparation for his work, is frequently bewildering to the student, who looks chiefly for results. We have also suppressed all variations in the spelling, which grow out of philological habits. Common readers are puzzled when Ham suddenly becomes Chem; or Iranian, Aryan. As Bunsen's work was gradual, and his inquiry progressive, dates are assumed in his first volume, which are slightly changed in the fourth. He has a way, too, of mentioning dates, sometimes in a specific and sometimes in an approximate way, which is puzzling. Thus he sometimes speaks of the culmination of favorable influences, in the thirteenth century of our era, as having occurred in 1240, sometimes as in 1248. Such variations as arise from the development of his work have a real value in the book itself, because they show when and how his conclusions are affected; but they have no such value to the general reader. They only confuse him with

their uncertainty. We adhere, therefore, to the specific dates.

It is not likely that we have been able to assume these changes without making some mistakes; but better incur the blame of that, than permit this magnificent work to be wholly obscured and hidden by inconsistencies so trivial.


London Pauperism amongst Jews and Christians. An Inquiry into

the Principles and Practice of Out-door Relief in the Metropolis, and the Results upon the Moral and Physical Condition of the Pauper Class. By J. H. STALLARD, M.B., London. London:

Saunders, Otley, & Co., 1867. The Jewish system of public relief in London originated, it seems, from the removal, a few years ago, of the wealthier Hebrew families, for fashion's sake, to the West End. Before this removal, the rich and poor not only met together in their synagogues for common worship and mutual edification, but lived together in a common and close neighborhood, with natural relations between the two classes, and a simple, spontaneous dependence of each upon the other. Left to themselves, the poor were obliged to resort to new means of communication with their more favored fellows of Israel's name. “ All isolation," says Matthew Browne, in his own italics, all isolation is a making of little hells!So it wrought with the Hebrews in the great metropolis. The poorer synagogues of the Continent forwarded their dependent members, for relief, to London, as their residence, or as a stage on their way, pilgrim-like, to our shores. Hundreds of poor foreigners, ignorant of the language, homeless and houseless, with no means of self-support, crowded the Jewish quarter in the heart of this centre of the world's wealth. The Hebrew population was estimated, last year, at 55,000, and has not, probably, ranged much below those figures during the brief period of their new Relief Arrangement. The foreign element largely predominated. Some estimate of the proportion of widows and fatherless children may be drawn from the fact, that 10,000 of the former and 25,000 of the latter are already enrolled upon the books of their Guardians of the Poor.

The removal of the rich from their vicinity left the poor to avail themselves of begging pleas or begging letters. They planted themselves at the doors of warehouses, countingrooms, or banking-offices, with an importunity not to be denied; or they forwarded epistles of a most urgent and piteous tenor: and to both forms of appeal the pious and prosperous Jew promptly accorded a favorable reply. So the relationship was re-established, which his removal to the West End had disturbed. But effects soon followed which revealed a disastrous error. The more the rich yielded and gave, the more importunate and exacting the poor became. Beggars' cries and beggars' letters multiplied and swarmed, like the flies and frogs of Egypt. Pauperism increased. To prevent this, as well as to remember and relieve the poor, was the question which Hebrew charity had to meet.

The first step was the appointment of a Board of twentynine Guardians of the Poor, to represent the conference of the three synagogues of the city and the wealth of their communion. This Board was subdivided into general branches of inquiry and relief, with special departments for strangers, for widows and orphans, for the sick, the unemployed, &c. They provided also for a corps of additional volunteers, in case of epidemics or unusual calls for aid. Nor were the Guardians to be mere officials or hirelings. The wisest and best of their people volunteered, or were selected, for the sacred service. It was a religious trust; and its representatives and agents were called to it, or called for it, “ in God.” There was to be no longer isolation, separation, estrangement; but, rather, proximity, union, friendship.

Again, in opening their office, in receiving and visiting the applicants for relief, the same personal element of religion and humanity appears. The poor were invited, encouraged, urged to come, before they became beggars or paupers, and

lest they should becone such. With all the respect shown for the home and the person of the poor brother or sister, the wholesome sanitary faith of the Hebrew Guardians never allowed an applicant to appear with unclean hands, face, or body, or to remain in an unclean tenement. Bath-tickets were ready for the first, and another house, or suite of rooms, for the last, at the expense of the Guardians; who insisted upon the use of these tickets, and removal to suitable apartments, before affording any other relief. The Guardians challenge the most jealous and vigilant scrutiny to discover a single instance of their overlooking, neglecting, or failing to relieve, a worthy poor individual or family. Not that they always give. But full records are kept in every case; and the Board can prove from their books, that, if they did not yield at times to the request of the poor, it was because a better course suggested itself, - a better method, at once, of removing want and of preventing pauperism. The best proof that this is well done we find in the report, so honorable to the Jewish Guardians, that, whenever the poor are thus denied their request, or, rather, are put in the way of helping themselves, they are as well pleased as if the alms had been bestowed. In other words, the treatment they receive is so straightforward and sincere, that they see, with the Guardians, how much better it is to look elsewhere, to resources of their own or of their friends and kindred, than to draw upon official charity-funds. If a journey or voyage should be proposed, the Guardians cheerfully give or loan the necessary means. Often they add enough to prevent anxiety or suffering when the poor arrive whither they recommend them to remove : this, we believe, is their rule in every worthy instance. And many a freshly-arrived and hardly-pressed foreigner - exile and wanderer on the earth — has found reason to rejoice in the prompt and provident, brotherly and paternal, kindness of his “co-religionists,” as they style themselves so justly. But, when the Guardians find that the applicants must remain where they are, if their investigations reveal real merit and real want, aid to any needed amount is forthcoming at once. VOL. LXXXIII. — NEW SERIES, Vol. IV. NO. III.


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