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Asia, to make the Turkish empire disappear from the soil of Europe. But it would be a deplorable measure to allow every petty nationality thus left free to establish itself as an independent state. The world is weary of small states, with all their jealousies and bickerings : modern society tends to great empires, in which voluntary union supplies the place of a central force. “For a great result,” says Mr. Rangabé, “ a great measure must be adopted.” The creation of a great Christian empire is the only solution worthy of Europe and the age; and of that empire Constantinople must be the seat, and the Greeks the body-guard.
H. J. W.
We are indebted to Mr. Stallard * for a study of marked value on the subject of pauperism and its relief. A Christian himself, and keenly sensible to the reproach of the contrast he describes, he has traced it faithfully and unsparingly, - first in the cruel, clumsy, and ineffectual working of the English Poor Law, with the utter and hopeless misery which it often makes not even an effort to relieve ; and, second, in the effective, business-like, and vigilant charity which delivers the Jewish population from these extremes of misery, and especially never suffers it to become hereditary. The Jews have the great advantage, in dealing with the destitution of their own people, that they make a class by themselves, with well-defined boundaries ; so that the general question of pauperism, in the nation or the city at large, has not to be met: at the same time that that population is large enough (being, if we remember rightly, considerably more than fifty thousand) to make a fair experiment, with results of real value. To add to the value of the experiment, it has to be considered, that, fifty years ago, the Jews made the most degraded and wretched class of the London poor, so that the efforts made for their relief sprang from an imperative sense of need ; that they are obliged to receive a constant and large stream of immigration of the most wretched class of foreign Jews, who hope to find some benefit from the more equal laws of England; and that they are excluded, by their peculiar customs, especially by their sabbath observance, from most of the better sorts of employment, — particularly mechanical out-door employment, — which employ laborers in large numbers. In-door trades,
* London Pauperism among Jews and Christians : an Inquiry into the Principles and Practice of Out-door Relief in the Metropolis, and the Result upon the Moral and Physical Condition of the Pauper Class. By J. H. STALLARD. London: Saunders, Otley, & Co. pp. 337.
VOL. LXXXIII. — NEW SERIES, VOL. IV. NO. II,
especially tailor-work and petty shopkeeping, are the main resource for these many thousands, and are likely to be excessively over. stocked. Yet, against these signal disadvantages, the Jewish administration of charity has made such headway, that the last degradation of English poverty is quite unknown; and it is an established principle among the Jews, that pauperism, in the second generation, is a thing not to be expected or allowed. They assume, in the first place, that every person would rather work than beg : whereas the English law assumes beggary and imposture as the normal state of things among the poor, to be guarded against with jealous vigilance.* And they spare no pains, through their energetic and skilful committees of charity, to educate every child in some honest trade which will generally insure a steady aud respectable maintenance; while the English way too often is, to give grudgingly the immediate relief that is absolutely needed, taking no heed at all whether the children may not be dismissed to the life of beggars, prostitutes, and thieves. “It is by feeding, educating, and apprenticing the children, that pauperism is destroyed" (p. 102).
Mrs. Dall's book † has the unusual quality, in a work of this character, of being eminently readable. The second and third divisions have been previously published as distinct volumes, under the titles of “Woman's Right to Labor,” and “Woman's Rights under the Law.” In this form, they were well received, and had considerable circulation. The first part - on Education - is now first published ; and a very instructive Appendix — showing the progress of events during the last ten years, in the matter of education, the employment and legal rights of women - gives unity, completeness, and value to the work.
The theory of the book is, that women should be fitted by education, permitted by public opinion, and empowered by legislation, to take their place side by side with men, so far as they may be able or disposed, in any or all the affairs of life, including legislation and the so-called learned professions. In the market, the workshop, the forum, the pulpit, they should be at liberty to compete, on equal terms, with men, for the prizes and compensations of skill or ability. To do this, they must of course be relieved from the disabilities which custom, public sentiment, and one-sided legislation, have imposed upon them, Many of the facts and arguments of the book have long been familiar to many of us; but they ought to be very much more familiar to the public at large. In particular, they require to be urged upon the attention of women, even more than of men. Few will be found to dispute, in theory, the claim of women to as complete an education as they desire, or are qualified to attain. Their equal right as to labor is respected in every department in which they prove their competence, as the success of female merchants, manufacturers, preachers, lecturers, and physicians, amply proves. Such jealousy as they have had to contend against, is the jealousy, not of sex, but of classprivilege; and is felt quite as severely by men who compete in any unusual way for the “prizes of life.” It was years before even Starr King was a fully recognized member of his profession, among some whom we could name in our own neighborhood. No tyranny that we have ever heard of, as exercised against female competition, was so relentless as that enforced against men by the Sheffield Trades' Unions, for example; and we think Mrs. Dall would have done well to give more attention to the conditions on which that jealousy depends, as a matter of general political economy, instead of treating it from the quite incidental point of view of sex. Her practical suggestions under this head are admirable; and we earnestly desire to see them adopted by councils of women as intelligent and energetic as those which organized in detail the vast system of charities during the war. In particular, it is they alone who can in this way effectually protect their own sex from those bitter inhumanities, and those base profligacies, to which frightful numbers fall victims every year.
* This cruel assumption is met by the fact, that 35 per cent of those who apply for relief are widows and orphans.
. † The College, the Market, and the Court; or, Woman's Relation to Education, Labor, and Law. By CAROLINE H. Dall. Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1867. pp. xxxv., 499.
The old objections to female suffrage, on the score of sentiment, Mrs. Dall disposes of very effectually, by the single consideration of protection against unjust laws, to which a share of political power seems needed. This single consideration has prevailed in the case of the negroes, against the enormous dead-weight of habit and prejudice; and there is little doubt that it will prevail in the case of women, as soon as the need is as strongly felt and as powerfully urged by themselves. Whatever our theories about the distribution of political power, and the right conditions of suffrage, it is pretty evident, that we must feel our way through universal suffrage of men, first; and this is so prodigious an advance, and involves so vast a diffusion of political influence, that it is no wonder we pause before taking the inevitable next step, of including all women too. It it were possible, we should desire that suffrage should be given at once to men and women alike, on conditions that would do something to raise it in public esteem as a privilege and a trust, and to guard it from its monstrous abuse. As it is, we confess to little enthusiasm for merely duplicating the actual number of voters in this way; and there are two very serious considerations, of which Mrs. Dall takes no notice whatever in her argument, which the advocates of female suffrage will have to encounter, as soon as their movement begins to look practical.
The first is, that, as things now are, an extension of the suffrage to women would bring to the polls multitudes of the ignorant and unprincipled, to be merely political tools; while those of intelligence and principle would stay away. This consideration is purely practical. It applies full as much, we know, to universal suffrage among men, as we actually find it in our cities; but that we cannot help, with the rawness of our present democratic theories. It will be fairly met, when the majority of educated and superior women strongly desire political rights; and it neither can nor ought to be disregarded till then. As we have ourselves heard Chief Justice Chase declare, “ Women will vote, as soon as they really want to;" that is, as soon as the necessary public sentiment among themselves has been created. It is a motive for urgency, not a ground of angry suspicion or complaint, if that sentiment does not exist as yet; and it would be a serious risk till then to exchange their actual influence in politics, which is very great, and in the main noble, for the doubtful experiment of exercising direct political power.
The other consideration — a very practical one, indeed, in these last years — is, that registration of voters goes along with registration for military purposes. In general, in our political theory, the right to vote includes the liability to fight. All citizens of military age are subject to military service; and the public mind is in no condition to admit a very large population of voters, all of whom should be exempt. Nor is this mere unjust prejudice. The theory of " manhood suffrage” means, that the same constituency which has authority to pass the law has also the physical force to execute it. Even as things are, we see how many laws remain a dead letter, for want of power to enforce them. What would it be, if a law were
carried by a small majority, in which a preponderance of feminine interest or opinion was matched against a nearly equal preponderance of men? In short, the suffrage of women, to be of any value, implies a condition of things in which moral forces are of far greater relative weight than now; a condition of things we earnestly desire, and one which the circulation of books of this class is one very great help towards bringing about.
Mrs. Dall's book has the merit of a plea — eloquent, forceful, generous, a great help towards a juster public opinion - rather than of an argument, which needs, among other things, to give due weight to argument on the other side. In several points this is a weakness in the book, — particularly in the matter of dealing with those masculine prejudices to which we have referred, and in the omission of any discussion of the reasons, physiological or otherwise, which have determined the relative position of women in all ages (regarding it, apparently, as a mere “ mystery of iniquity”), which we hold to be of very great importance in any adequate treatment of the subject. But, on the other hand, this singleness of aim is its great strength and merit as a plea, which it is, — the most complete, instructive, and well-considered, that it has been our fortune to meet.
If it were the only object of a translation to reproduce, for the native reader, the nearest approach to the charm and melody of a foreign poem, our first feeling on examining the sumptuous and noble volumes of Longfellow's Dante would be a serious disappointment.* It was not easy to be quite satisfied. One who has read through the great Italian poem, and scanned it line by line, is at a loss whether to wonder most at the artifice of the plan; the vivid picturesqueness; the stern concentration of phrase; the marvellously sustained and gradual ascent, culminating not till the very last verse of the last canto; the triple involutions of the rhyme, or the even and pure melody of the verse. And a score of translations would be so many independent studies, or experiments at rendering, to the English reader, some one or more of these masterly poetical effects. If we were to pronounce in favor of any one theory of versification, it would be Cayley's, which,
* The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri. Translated by Henry WadsWORTH LONGFELLOW. Boston: Ticknor & Fields. 8vo, 3 vols.