any

casm. A Lord Liverpool of the present generation, we are inclined to think, would recall his dislike of political-economyclergymen, so far as to admit that Archbishop Whatley is not the only one who ought to be upon the bench. Slowly as governments have crept on in the practice of this new learning, they have, nevertheless, almost everywhere the credit of being in advance of their communities. The science, which from its object ought to be preeminently the people's science, has yet made but little way to popular power and favour. That this is so has arisen in part from a prevalent ignorance of its aim and promises. The consequence has been a vague scepticism concerning the extent of its actual attainments, and the possibility of real ultimate success. A new study, that began by treating philosophically subjects with which all mankind had been long coarsely conversant, was doomed to stumble over a host of interested prejudices. It had so often occasion to run counter to received opinions of ancient standing, that an air of paradox was soon thrown over many of its most valuable conclusions. Whilst it moved in larger circles, and comprehended a more distant horizon than the unassisted eye could reach, or cared or dared to follow, unfortunately, one or two of its hard sayings appear to have been made at times somewhat unnecessarily hard. Hasty reasoners of course were found also, who generalized too soon and too far. By these means countenance was given to the vulgar horror with which theory is regarded. Fed by the milk of many nurses, a temporary difference of opinion also must necessarily prevail over many points. Scoffers had little trouble in misrepresenting these detached controversies as the entire science. At the same time, it ought to be admitted, that the blame of this estrangement is not to be solely attributed to the prejudice of the people. Discoverers are seldom the best teachers. The moment, however, comes at last, when the revealers of hidden mysteries meet with disciples who prove more successful missionaries than themselves. Political Economy, we rejoice to think, has apparently nearly waited its appointed time. The mysteries and the abstractions have retired for a while into the inner sanctuary; whilst, among the ministers of the outer courts, and throughout even the surrounding multitude, there are symptoms of movement which bespeak the arrival of the missionary era. The moral enthusiasm breathed through Dr Chalmers's late volume will satisfy all who are to be satisfied that the science is not (what it has been childishly termed) a cold-hearted science; and that its gospel is one which must be preached to all classes, more especially to the poor. In this direction, Mr Wilmot Horton's virtuous and prosperous dis

cussion before the Mechanics' Institute on emigration, was the earliest and most encouraging example. The Society for Promoting Useful Knowledge has since published, with the same view, two excellent tracts, on the 'Results of Machinery,' and on the Rights of Industry.' These essays, praiseworthy on every account, were most praiseworthy as being the first attempts to bring home to the parties themselves, truths, on their acquaintance with which their own contentment and prosperity, as well as the peace of society, in a crisis like the present, must depend. Miss Martineau's predecessors, however, broke the ice only here and there. The letters of introduction which she has devised on behalf of her favourite science, have already won their way beyond what any body could have ventured to anticipate. We have heard more political economy during the last three months, than we believe was ever before heard out of the Political Economy Club. It has flowed smoothly, too, from off the tongues of people so very unlikely to trouble themselves with such investigations, that her own fictitious personages, whether they be retired sergeants, or village sextons, who speak as professors of the science, can now no longer appear to us a romance.

Of the little volumes already published, the principles which regulate the production of wealth are illustrated in the first three; and the principles which affect its distribution, in the remainder. Their characteristic merit, as a whole, consists in their singular combination of general beauty with a positive object of great utility, prominently announced and strictly pursued. The comparative excellence of the several stories will therefore principally depend on the degree in which this combination is attained. All are equally remarkable for the simplicity and beauty of the style. It ordinarily flows in a clear and lucid stream, but readily drops to any tone, or rises to the height which the occasion may require. Franklin could not have epigrammatised more sententiously her mottoes. The descriptions, whether of natural scenery, or of domestic incident, are pictures by Calcott or by Wilkie, turned into poetry by a sister genius. Her sketches of character are bold, sometimes almost too bold in outline; the muscle being forced out anatomically as in an academy model. But the hardness is usually relieved, and the natural effect preserved, by the exuberant variety of sentiment and expression which breaks out and flows over every part. She thus generally contrives sooner or later to bring us into harmony with her characters; or at least to an understanding of their dispositions and opinions. It is the triumph of those infinite minute sympathies which she so freely scatters about her course, that they are able in the arts, as in real life, to make even apparent exceptions natural

at last, provided only that we get to the proper point of view. A few exaggerations must unavoidably occur where so much originality is attempted. None but the great masters of life, as Shakspeare and Scott, have been able to keep their pen, while its images were glowing and dilating in the pride of self-creation, always free from the error into which Fuseli's pencil fell. Besides, the judicious invention of fictitious characters is not an affair of genius only and books. A young lady can scarcely possess the experimental knowledge of mankind, without which a confident imagination must occasionally run wild in the paradise of its own conceptions. The exaggerations to which we are alluding have fallen hitherto on persons and passages, which hurt the story more as a tale than as a lesson. Even thus considered, up to the present point they are chiefly prejudicial as betraying a tendency against which it is necessary that the author should be upon her guard. Of one class of characters, that of fine people, we think Miss Martineau would do well altogether to keep clear. At present, she evidently knows nothing at all about them, and it will be hardly worth her while to learn; for the world is unluckily certain of hearing from far inferior persons, much more than it need care to know of the proceedings and the foibles of fashionable life. With this caution, Miss Martineau may be always sure of producing a powerful effect as a story-teller. Her command over interesting incidents, striking thoughts, and beautiful expressions, will carry her triumphantly through greater disadvantages, than the blemish of now and then fiercening up a character into extremes for the gallery-portion of her admirers.

It is as a teacher that we fear she may not be destined in the end to realize all the good to which she has set her hand, and which she is, in many respects, so admirably qualified to perform. We may be thought premature in our apprehensions, for they are principally prospective. The symptoms which have alarmed us amount as yet only to a few specks or flashes; making, on the whole, a cloud perhaps not much bigger than one's hand. But the elements appear to be of so dangerous a kind for a popular instructor, that, however reluctantly, we feel obliged to intimate the cause and nature of our disquiet. particular opinions, by the expression of which our suspicion has been roused, have, it is true, been kept a good deal in the background. But they are such as can only have been arrived at by an exaltation of sentiment, and a rashness of assumption, extravagant enough, unless checked, to proceed to any lengths. Unfortunately, it is on points of the greatest delicacy and importance that her diffidence and judgment have most deserted

The

her. If Miss Martineau really thinks that, at her time of life, and with her opportunities, she is competent to legislate for mankind anew on its most complicated institutions-that she can resettle the foundations and transmission of property-dispense with criminal law by doing away with the crime of punishment -alter the framework of society, so as to remove out of it the disgrace of indigence ;-if she is looking forward to the period when actresses are to be above marrying secretaries of state, and tying up their papers, and is ready with a millennium of her own, in which our ladies will have taken out of our monopolising hands the cares of Parliament and public life, there is no knowing whither a mind, which has already got so high into the visionary empyrean, may ultimately soar. We cannot think with any patience of the possibility that she should reduce her powers and reputation to the mere circulating-library glory of being the most gifted novelist of the Godwin school. With this fear and feeling, it is the greatest possible proof of our respect for her intentions, and of our admiration for her talents, that we suggest to her the propriety of more deliberation and forbearance on questions of such immense magnitude. Upon some of them, the whole history of mankind, and all that we know of human nature, ought to be in the meantime sufficient presumptions to call for other formulas of disproof than precipitate assertion and disdain. The objectionable passages of this description are but few. We should heartily rejoice to see them cancelled. It will gratify us still more to perceive in the forthcoming numbers that the views, which these passages indicate, have been qualified, if not abandoned. The intellectual fever, under the excitement of which they can alone have broken forth, will, we trust, ere long be thoroughly subdued, partly from deference to the opinion of others, but principally by her own peremptory and self-controlling reason.

6

It will probably cost Miss Martineau less effort to remove the ground of our remaining general objections. The latter stories exhibit evident signs of the rapidity with which they have been composed. The ninth and following numbers are inferior to the preceding ones in general beauty and effect. But a much more marked inferiority consists in the fact, that their fables, as fables, are for the most part no longer Illustrations of Politi'cal Economy.' There is little perceptible connexion between the summary and nine-tenths of the story. The link which is left is formed less by actions than by words. A disputable lecture is substituted for the promised probative events. We attribute this to haste entirely. For there seems to be no assignable reason, why the Principles contained in the later summaries should

not have been worked up throughout into a plot, in the same manner as in the earlier volumes. In some cases, a quantity of foreign materials is put into the crucible; in others, the very material which is to be analysed seems to have been forgotten; and to be thrown in at last only to save appearances. Political or other causes are so mixed up with the political-economy ones in' Ireland,' that it is impossible to apportion out to each their several results. The failure of domestic colonization in Homes 'Abroad' is no part of the actual occurrences, but is given in the form of mere hearsay or prediction. For Each and for All,’ • French Wines and Politics,' and the Charmed Sea,' are in different degrees equally loose and inconclusive. There is no establishment of the summary-hypothesis by appropriate facts. The political-economy moral is stitched on, and becomes the purpureus pannus of an apparently independent fable. An episode and a dialogue, awkwardly thrust in, provoke by the interruption more than they profit by the instruction. If one or two incidental scenes can be called Illustrations of Political 'Economy,' Miss Martineau has been anticipated in her system of tuition. In that case, Manzoni, the friend of the plague-doctor and of the corn-dealer, is entitled to claim the merit of priority for his Promessi Sposi.

The philosophy of these latter stories may be true or false. It is not philosophy teaching by example. The peculiar value and criterion of the scheme is gone: the evidence which it ought to contain of an experiment, going on as it were before our eyes, has disappeared; and what is left, is at the most only lively conversations on political economy. The form of question and answer, well pursued, retains, however, over declamatory monologues, many advantages for the elucidation of truth. Thus Mr Attwood found the Bank Committee and the Market-place of Birmingham two very different tribunals. The Socratic efficiency of cross questions soon reduced him to the humiliating necessity of crooked answers. Like exorcisms, they brought up the witch's pin. But mere imaginary dialogues (between any parties more independent than a master and his scholars) have a characteristic difficulty to contend with. Wherever they consist of the juxtaposition of opposite opinions, and are separated from an explanatory comment, conveyed in the result of accompanying facts, it is possible that an author, in doing justice to clashing arguments, may not set on any one, a mark precise enough to enable his readers to identify the particular opinions which are intended to be represented as his own. This is a danger which Miss Martineau, when she strays from her facts, can hardly expect always to evade. It has many a