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sounds. In matters of ordinary life on which divine | varied, so as to have a close relation to the object to which counsel was prayed for, it was usual to have recourse to it referred. A spot being selected, the otficial charged to this form of divination. For public affairs it was, by the make the observation (spectio) pitched his tent there some time of Cicero, superseded by the fictitious observation of days before. A matter postponed through adverse signs lightning. (3.) Feeding of birds (auspicia ex tripudiis), from the gods could on the following or some future day which consisted in observing whether a bird, usually a be again brought forward for the auspices (repetere fowl,—on grain being thrown before it, let fall a particle auspicia). If an error (vitium) occurred in the auspices, from its mouth (tripudium solistimum). If it did so, the the augurs could, of their own accord or at the request of will of the gods was in favour of the enterprise in question. the senate, inform themselves of the circumstances, and The simplicity of this ceremony recommended it for very decree upon it. A consul could refuse to accept their general use, particulanly in the army when on service. The decreo while he remained in office, but on retiring ho fowls were kept in cages by a servant, styled pullarius. could be prosecuted. Auspicia oblativa referred mostly to In imperial times are mentioned the decuriales pullarii. the comitia. A magistrate vas not bound to take notice (4.) Signs from animals (pedestria auspicia, or ex quadru of signs reported merely by a private person, but he could pedibus), i.e., observation of the course of, or sounds not overlook such a report from a brother magistrate. For uttered by, quadrupeds and serpents within a fixed space, example, if a quæstor on his entry to office observed lightcorresponding to the observations of the flight of birds, but ning and announced it to the consul, the latter must delay much less frequently employed. It had gone out of use by the public assembly for the day.
(4. 8. 2.) the time of Cicero. (5.) Warnings (signa ex diris), con- AUGUST, originally Sextilis, as being the sixth month sisting of all unusual phenomena, but chiefly such as in the pre-Julian Roman year, received its present name boded ill. Being accidental in their occurrence, they from the Emperor Augustus. The preceding month, belonged to the auguria oblativa, and their interpretation | Quintilis, had been called July after the great Julius was not a matter for the augurs, unless occurring in the Cæsar, and the senate thought to propitiate the emperor by course of some public transaction, in which case they conferring a similar honour upon him. August was formed a divine veto against it. Otherwise, reference was selected, not as being the natal month of Augustus, but made for an interpretation to the Pontifices in olden times, because in it his greatest good fortune had happened to afterwards frequently to the Sibylline books, or the Etruscan him. In that month he had been admitted to the conharuspices, when the incident was not already provided for sulate, had thrice celebrated a triumph, bau received the by a rule, as, for example, that it was unlucky for a person allegiance of the soldiers stationed on the Janiculum, had leaving his house to meet a raven, that the sudden death concluded the civil wars, and had subdued Egypt. As of 3 person from epilepsy at a public meeting was a sign to July contained thirty-one days, and August only thirty, it break up the assembly, not to mention other instances of was thought necessary to add another day to the latter adverse omens. A Roman, however, did not necessarily month, in order that Augustus might not be in any respect regard a warning as binding unless it was clearly appre inferior to Julius. hended. Not only could an accidental oversight reuder it AUGUSTA, the capital of the State of Maine, and seat useless, but to some extent measures could be taken to of justice, is situated on the Kennebec River (in Kennebec prevent any warning being noticed. At sacrifices, for county), 43 miles from its mouth, in lat. 44° 19' N., long. instance, the flute was played ne quid aliud exaudiatur 69° 50' W. The city lies mainly on the right bank of the (Pliny, Nat. Hist., xxviii. 2, 11).
Kennebec River, which is here crossed by a bridge 520 feet Among the other means of discovering the will of the long. The business portion of the city was destroyed by gods were casting lots, oracles of Apollo in the hands of fire in 1865, but has since been rebuilt. Its principal the college sacris faciun lis), but chieily the examination of public buildings are the State house, State insane asylum, the entrails of animals slain for sacrifice. Anything and United States' arsenal: It has several banks, daily and abnormal found there was brought under the nutice of weekly newspapers, and numerous churches. The populathe augurs as warnings, but usually the Etruscan haruspices tion of Augusta, by the census of 1870, was 7808. were employed for this. The persons entitled to ask for AUGUSTA, a city of Georgia, in the United Stetes of an expression of the divine will on a public affair were the America, the capital of the county of Richmond. It is magistrates. To the highest offices, including all persons situated in a beautiful plain, on the Savannah River, 231 of consular and prætorian rank, belonged the right of taking miles from its mouth, and has extensive railway communiauspicia maxima ; to the inferior offices of ædile and cation. Like other American cities it is spacious and quæstor, the auspicia minora; the differences between regular in its plan, Greene Street, for example, being 168 these, however, must have been small. The subjects for feet in width, with a row of trees extending along each which auspicia publica were always taken were the elec side. The principal buildings are the city hall, a masonic tion of magistrates, their entering on office, the holding of hall, an oddfellows' hall, the Richmond academy, the a public assembly to pass decrees, the setting out of an Georgia medical college, the opera-house, and an orphan army for war. They could only be taken in Rome itself ; asylum. Besides these, the city possesses an arsenal, and in case of a commander having to renew his auspicia, water-works, a number of banks, newspaper offices, extenhe must either return to Rome or select a spot in the foreign sive cotton factories and flour mills, several foundries, two country to represent the hearth of that city. The time for tobacco factories, &c. Water-power is abundantly supplied observing auspices was, as a rule, between midnight and from the river by the Augusta canal, which was condawn of the day for which the transaction was fixed about structed in 1845. Augusta was an important place during which they were desired. But whether it was so ordered the revolutionary war, and continued to flourish amazingly in the ritual, or whether this was to leave the whole day free, till the opening of the Georgia railway. A temporary is not known. In military affairs this course was not decline then took place, owing to the change in the always possible, as in the case of taking auspices before methods of traffic ; but a new current of prosperity crossing a river. The founding of colonies, the beginning speedily set in, which still continues. Population in 1870, of a battle. before calling together an army, before sittings 15,386. of the senate, at decisions of peace or war, were occasions, | AUGUSTAN HISTORY is the title bestowed upon a not always but frequently, for taking auspices. The place collection of the biographies of the Roman emperors, from where the ceremony was performed was not fixed but Hadrian to Carinus, written under Diocletian and Constan
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tine, and usually regarded as the composition of six | Capitolinus, the latest biographer in order of composition, authors,- Ælius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Elius by his predecessor Vopiscus, but the passage may be an Lampridius, Vulcatius Gallicanus, Trebellius Pollio, and interpolation, or may refer to some other work. Flavius Vopiscus. Upon investigation, however, there The importance of the Augustan history as a repertory of appears good reason for reducing these writers to four. | information is very considerable, but its literary pretensions The distribution of the respective biographies among them, are of the humblest order. The writers' standard was conaccording to the arrangement of the MSS., is supported by fessedly low. “My purpose," says Vopiscus," has been no extraneous authority, and depends upon no intelligible to provide materials for more eloquent persons than principle. Without entering into detail, for which space myself.” Considering the perverted taste of the age, it is fails us, it must suffice to state that up to and including | perhaps fortunate that the task fell into the hands of no the biography of Alexander Severus, the authorship of the showy declaimer, who measured his success by his skill in various memoirs is interchanged among Spartianus, Lam-making surface do duty for substance, but of homely, pridius, and Capitolinus, in a manner only explicable upon matter-of-fact scribes, whose sole concern was to record the hypothesis of a division of labour among these writers, | what they knew. Their narrative is most unmethodical or on that of their having selected their subjects entirely at and inartificial; their style is tame and plebeian; their random. The latter is contradicted by their own affirme conception of biography is that of a collection of anecdotes ; tions, and no trace of any mutual concert is discoverable, they have no notion of arrangement, no measure of proneither is there any perceptible difference of style. When, portion, and no criterion of discrimination between the imtherefore, we find the excerpts in the Palatine MS. assigning portant and the trivial ; they are equally destitute of critical all the biographies preceding that of Maximin to Spartianus and of historical insight, unable to sift the authorities alone, and remark that his prænomen and that of Lam- on which they rely, and unsuspicious of the stupendous pridius are alike given as Ælius, we cannot avoid suspecting social revolution comprised within the period which they with Casaubon and Salmasius that the full name was Ælius undertake to describe. Their value, consequently, depends Lampridius Spartianus, and that two authors have been very much on that of the sources to which they happen to manufactured out of one. We further find Spartianus have recourse for any given period of history, and on the observing, at the commencement of his life of Ælius Verus, fidelity of their adherence to these when valuable. Marius that having written the lives of all the emperors who had Maximus and Junius Cordus, to whose qualifications they borne the title of Augustus from Julius Cæsar down to themselves bear no favourable testimony, were their chief Hadrian, he purposes from that point to comprise the authorities for the earlier lives of the series. For the later Caesars also. This excludes the idea of his having written they have been obliged to resort more largely to public without & plan, or in concert with any colleague. His records, and have thus preserved matter of the highest biographies are regularly dedicated to Diocletian down to importance, rescuing from oblivion many imperial rescripts that of Pescennius Niger, after which, with one exception, and senatorian decrees, reports of official proceedings and (probably due to the corruption of the MSS., they are speeches on publio occasions, and a number of interesting inscribed to Constantine, as would naturally be the case and characteristic letters from various emperors. Their with a work continued under this prince's reign after having incidental allusions sometimes cast vivid though andesigned been commenced under his predecessor's. We may also light on the circumstances of the age, and they have made with probability ascribe to Spartianus the life of Avidius large contributions to our knowledge of imperial jurisprud. Cassius, attributed in the MSS. to Vulcatius Gallicanus, ence in particular. Even their trivialities have their use; but .whose author describes his undertaking in terms their endless anecdotes respecting the personal habits of almost identical with those employed by Spartianus. No the subjects of their biographies, if valueless to the historian, biography subsequent to that of Alexander Severus is are most acceptable to the archæologist, and not unimporattributed to Spartianus by any MS., and the next series, tant to the economist and moralist. Their errors and comprising the Maximins, the Gordians, and Maximus and deficiencies may in part be ascribed to the contemporary Balbinus, is undoubtedly the production of Julius Capi neglect of history as a branch of instruction. Education tolinus, who addresses his work to Constantine, and pro- | was in the hands of rhetoricians and grammarians ; fessedly proceeds, in some respects, upon a different plan historians were read for their style, not for their matter, from his predecessor. The work of Spartianus must have and since the days of Tacitus, none had arisen worth a remained incomplete, and Capitolinus must have proposed schoolmaster's notice. We thus find Vopiscus acknowledgto fill up the interval between him and Trebellius Pollio, ing that when he began to write the life of Aurelian, he who dedicates his life of Claudius Gothicus to Constantius was entirely misinformed respecting the latter's competitor Chlorus, and whom we know, from the testimony of Firmus, and implying that he would not have ventured on Vopiscus, to have written the lives of the Philippi and their Aurelian himself if he had not had access to the MS. of the successors up to Claudius, some years before 303 A.D. In emperor's own diary in the Ulpian library. The writers' that year (and not 291 A.D., as supposed by Salmasius and historical estimates are superficial and conventional, but Clinton) Vopiscus was solicited by the urban prefect, Junius report the verdict of public opinion with substantial Tiberianus, to undertake the life of Aurelian; this biography accuracy. The only imputation on the integrity of any of appears from internal evidence to have been published by | them lies against Trebellius Pollio, who, addressing his 307 A.D., and the lives of Aurelian's successors down to work to a descendant of Claudius, the successor and proCarinus were added before the death of Diocletian in 313. bably the assassin of Gallienus, has dwelt upon the latter We may therefore reduce the Augustan historians from versatile sovereign's carelessness and extravagance without six to four, and assign their respective shares as follows: acknowledgment of the elastic though fitful energy be so To Spartianus, the biographies from Julius Cæsar to frequently displayed in defence of the empire. The caution Alexander Severus, all anterior to Hadrian being lost; to of Vopiscus's references to Diocletian cannot be made a Capitolinus, those from Maximin to the younger Gordian; reproach to him. to Trebellius Pollio, the lives of Valerian, Gallienus, the No biographical particulars are recorded respecting any “Thirty Tyrants," and Claudius Gothicus, those of the of these writers. From their acquaintance with Latin and Philippi, the Decii, Gallus, Æmilianus, and part of Vale. Greek literature they must have been men of letters by rian's being lost; to Vopiscus, the remainder, from Aurelian profession, and very probably secretaries or librarians to to Caribus. Some difficulty is created by the mention of persons of distinction. They appear particularly versed in law. Spartianuss rezerence to himself as “Diocletian's pagan at the time of his son's birth. His mother, Monica, own" seems to indicate that he was a domestic in the was not only a Christian, but a woman of the most elevated, imperial household. They address their patrons with tender, and devoted piety, whose patient prayerfulness for deference, acknowledging their own deficiencies, and seem both her husband and son (at length crowned with success painfully conscious of the profession of literature having in both cases), and whose affectionate and beautiful enthufallen upon evil days.
siasm, have passed into a touching type of womanly saintliThe first edition of the Augustan History was printed at Milan
ness for all ages. She early instructed her son in the faith in 1475, by Bonus Accursius, along with Suetoniug. Being based and love of Jesus Christ, and for a time her instruction upon the best MSS. it is superior to any of its successors until seems to have impressed his youthful mind. Falling ill he Casaubon's (1603). Casaubon manifested great critical ability in his wished to be baptised; but when the danger was past, the notes, but for want of a good MS. left the restoration of the text to Salmasius (1620), whose notes are a most remarkable monument of
rite was deferred, and, notwithstanding all his mother's erudition combined with acuteness in verbal criticism and general admonitions and prayers, he grew up without any profes. vigour of intellect. Little has since been done for the improvement sion of Christian piety, or any devotion to Christian of the text, which is still in a very unsatisfactory state. The most accurate edition is that by Jordan and Eyssenhardt (Berlin, 1863),
principles. Inheriting from his father & vehement and grounded on a collation of the Bamberg MS. with the Palatine (now
sensual disposition, he early gave way to the unbridled the Vatican) used by Salmasius. The most important separate dig.
impulses of passion, and while still a mero youth, formed sertations on the Augustan historians are that on the sixth volume | a connection, common enough at the time, but at variance of Heine's Opuscula Philologica; Brocks's essay on the first four of them (Königsberg, 1869); Dirksen's elucidation of their references
first four of with the principles of Christian morality. As the result of to Roman jurisprudence (Leipsic, 1842); Peter's critical emenda
the connection he became the father of a son, whom he tions (Posen, 1863); Brunner's monograph on Vopiscus in the
named Adeodatus in a fit of pious emotion, and to whom becond volume of Büdinger's Untersuchungen zur Römischen Kaiser. he was passionately attached. geschichte, and J. Müller's disquisition in the third (Leipsic, In the midst of all his youthful pleasures Augustine 1868-69). There is no English translation.
was an earnest student. His father, observing the early AUGUSTI, JOHN CHRISTIAN WILLIAM, a distinguished development of his talents, formed the ambition of training German theologian, was born at Eschenberga, near Gotha, | him to the brilliant and lucrative career of a rhetorician, in 1772. He was of Jewish descent, his grandfather and he seems to have spared no expense to equip him for having been a rabbi who had been converted to the this career. The youth studied not only at his native town, Christian faith. His early education he received partly but at Madaura and Carthage, and especially devoted from Moller, pastor of Gierstädt, who introduced him to himself to the Latin poets—many traces of his love for the study of Hebrew, and partly at the gymnasium at which are to be found in his writings. His acquaintance Gotha. He then proceeded to the university of Jena, and with Greek literature was much more limited, and, indeed, completed his studies there in 1793. In 1798 he obtained it has been doubted whether he could use, in the original, a post as privat-docent, or university lecturer on philosophy, either the Hebrew or Greek Scriptures, 1 Apparently, he and began to turn his attention chiefly to Oriental subjects. was in the habit of using translations of Plato (Confess., In 1800 he was made professor extraordinary of philoviü. 2), but, on the other hand, Greek words frequently sophy, and three years after was appointed to the chair occur in his writings correctly rendered and discriminated; of Oriental languages. In 1808 he received the degree of and bo speaks in one of his epistles to Marcellinus (LIX. doctor of theology, and in 1812 accepted a call to the chair tom. ü. 294) of referring to the Greek Psalter and finding, of theology at the recently renovated university of Breslau. in reference to certain difficulties, that it agreed with the During the troubled years 1813 and 1814 he acted as Vulgate. Clausen, who has particularly investigated the rector, and received great praise for his firm and judicious point, suns up the evidence to the effect that Augustino conduct. In 1819 he was transferred to the university of was “fairly instructed in Greek grammar, and a subtle Bonn, and in 1828 he united with his professorship the distinguisher of words, but that beyond this his knowledge office of director of the consistory. He died at Coblentz in was insufficient for a thorough comprehension of Greek 1841. Augusti had little sympathy with the modern books, and especially for those in the Hellenistic dialect. philosophical interpretations of dogma, and although he While a student at Carthage he was particularly attracted took up a position of free criticism with regard to the by the theatre, the spectacles at which were of unusual Biblical narratives, he yet held fast to the traditional faith. magnificence. To his enthusiastic and sensuous spirit they His works on theology (History of Dogma, 1805, and were irresistible, and the extent to which he seems to have System of Dogmatics, 1809) are simple statements of fact, yielded to the fascination is sufficient proof of his active and do not attempt a speculative treatment of their subjects. alienation from Christianity at this period. The Christian In addition to several exegetical works, his most impor- church, as it has been said, “abhorred the pagan theatre. tant writings are the Denkwürdigkeiten aus der Christlichen The idolatrous rites, the lascivious attitudes, the gladiatorial Archäologie, 12 vols., 1817-31, a partially digested mass of shows, which were its inseparable accompaniments, were materials, and the Handbuch der Christ. Archäologie, 3 vols., equally opposed to the dogmatic monotheism, to the picty, 1836–7, which gives the substance of the larger work in a and to the mercy of the gospel.” One of the most signimore compact and systematic form,
ficant signs of a man having become a Christian was his AUGUSTINE (AURELIUS AUGUSTINUS), one of the habitual absence from the theatre. No one was more four great fathers of the Latin Church, and admittedly the emphatic on this point afterwards than Augustine himself, greatest of the four, more profound than Ambrose, his and as the result of his own experience, he seems to have spiritual father, more original and systematic than Jerome, doubted, apart from the gross immoralities of the pagan his contemporary and correspondent, and intellectually far stage, whether the indulgence in fictitious joys and woes more distinguished than Gregory the Great, the last of the is a warrantable excitement (Confess., iii. 2). series. The theological position and influence of Augustine | Cicero's Hortensius, which he read in his nineteenth year, may be said to be unrivalled. No single name has ever first awakened in Augustine's mind the spirit of speculaexercised such power over the Christian church, and no one mind ever made such an impression upon Christian thought. 1"Augustinus extitit, ut alii, Ebrææ ac Græcæ linguæ ignarus.“
(Walch, Bibl. Patrist., p. 352.) “Imperitus non tantum Hebraicæ ged Aurelius Augustinus was born at Tagasto (Tajelt), a town
etiam Gracae linguæ, ipsos fontes adire non potuit, sed solam fere transof Numidia, on the 13th of November 354 A.D. 'His
lationem Latinam explicare conatus est."-(Rosenmüller, Hist. Inter father, Patricius, was a burgess of this town, and was still a pret., ill. 40.)
tion. He engaged restlessly in philosophical studies, and read farther. As I finished the sentence, as though the passed from one phase of thought to another, unable to light of peace had been poured into my heart, all the find satisfaction in any. Manichæism first enthralled him. shadows of doubt dispersed. Thus hast Thou converted Its doctrine of two principles, one of good and one of evil, me to Thee, so as no longer to seek either for wife or other seemed to answer to the wild confusion of his own heart, hope of the world, standing fast in that rule of faith in and the conflict of higher and lower impulses which raged which Thou so many years before hadst revealed me to my within him. It seemed to solve the mysteries which per mother” (Confess., viii. 30). plexed him in his own experience and in the world. He After his conversion, which is supposed to have occurred became a member of the sect, and entered into the class of in the summer of 386, Augustine gave up his profession as auditors. His ambition was to be received among the a teacher of rhetoric, and retired to a friend's house in the number of the Elect, and so get to the heart of what he country, in order to prepare himself for baptism. His believed to be their higher knowledge. But falling in with religious opinions were still to some extent unformed, and Faustus, a distinguished Manichæan bishop and disputant, even his habits by no means altogether such as his great and entering into discussion with him, he was greatly dis- change demanded. He mentions, for example, that during appointed. The system lost its attraction for him; he this time he broke himself off a habit of profane swearing, gradually became disgusted, and abandoned it. But before and in other ways sought to discipline his character and this he had left Carthage, shocked with the licence of the conduct for the reception of the sacred rite. He received students, and had betaker himself for a time to Rome in the baptism in Easter following, in his thirty-third year; and pursuit of his profession. There he also soon became dis- along with him his son Adeodatus. and his friend Alypius Batisfied, and accepted an invitation to proceed to Milan, were admitted to the Christian church. Monica, his mother, where the people were in search of a teacher of rhetoric. had rejoined him, and at length rejoiced in the fulfilment He travelled thither at the public expense, and was of her prayers. Dying before his return to his native welcomed by friends who already seem to have recognised country, her last hours were gladdened by his Christian his distinction (Confess., i. 16).
sympathy. She implored him to lay her body anywhere, 'At Milan the conflict of his mind in search of truth still but wherever he might be to remember her "at the altar continued. He was now in his thirtieth year, and for of the Lord," a devout duty which he invites others to share eleven years he had been seeking for mental rest, unable to with him, so that her last request may, “through the prayers find it. “To-morrow," he said to himself, “I shall find of many," receive a more abundant fulfilment. it: it will appear manifestly, and I shall grasp it” (Con- Augustine went back to Rome for a short period and fess., vi. 18). But it still eluded his grasp, and he sunk' then returned to his native city, where he took up his aboda back again into despondency. The way, however, was in retirement, forming, with some friends who joined him being prepared for his conversion. Ambrose was bishop in devotion, a small religious community, which looked to of Milan, and, although he had a weak voice, was noted him as its head. They had all things in common, as in the for his eloquence. Augustine was attracted by his reputa- early church, and fasting and prayer, Scripture reading and tion, and went to hear the famous Christian preacher in almsgiving, formed their regular occupations. Their mode order, as he himself relates (Confess., v. 23), “ to see of life was not formally monastic according to any special whether his eloquence answered what was reported of it.rule, but the experience of this time of seclusion was, I hung on his words attentively,” he adds, “but of the no doubt, the basis of that monastic system which Augus. matter I was but an unconcerned and contemptuous hearer.” tine afterwards sketched, and which derived from him its He confesses his delight so far: “ The bishop's eloquence name Solitary monasticism had sprang up in the Egyptian was more full of knowledge, yet in manner less pleasurable deserts before this. The life of 'St Anthony by Athanasius and soothing, than that of Faustus." He wished an had widely diffused the fervour for religious solitariness, opportunity of conversation with him, but this was not and greatly touched Augustine at this period of his proeasily found. Ambrose had no leisure for philosophicfession. It did not remain for him, therefore, to originate discussion He was accessible to all who sought him, but the monastic idea ; but the association of monks in comnever for a moment free from study or the cares of duty.munities under a definite order and head received a special “Augustine used to enter, as all persons might, without impulse both from. Ambrose and his illustrious convert. being announced; but after staying for a while, afraid of As may be imagined, the fame of such a convert in such a interrupting him, he departed again.” He continued, position soon spread, and invitations to a more active however, to hear Ambrose preach, and gradually the ecclesiastical life came to him from many quarters. He gospel of divine truth and grace was received into his shrank from the responsibility, but his destiny was not to heart. First Plato and then St Paul opened his mind to be avoided. After three years spent in retirement he took higher thoughts, and at length certain words of the latter a journey to Hippo, to see a Christian friend, who desired were driven home with irresistible force to his conscience. to converse with him as to his design of quitting the world He was busy with his friend Alypius in studying the and devoting himself to a religious life. He was the less Paulino epistles. His struggle of mind became intolerable; reluctant to make this journey, because there being already the thought of divine purity fighting in his heart with the a bishop at Hippo he hoped to escape all solicitation. But love of the world and of the flesh. He burst into an incon- although the Christian community there had a bishop, they trollable flood of tears and rushed out into his garden, wanted a presbyter; and Augustine being present at the flinging himself under a fig tree that he might allow his meeting called to choose a presbyter, the people unanitears to have full vent, and pour out his heart to God. mously chose him. He burst into tears, and would fain Suddenly he seemed to hear a voice calling upon him to have escaped ; but the church could not spare his services, consult the divine oracle, “ Take up and read, take up and He was ordained to the presbyterate, and in a few years read." He left off weeping, rose up, and sought the volume afterwards he was made coadjutor to the bishop, and finally where Alypius was sitting, and opening it read in silence became sole bishop of the see. the following passage: "Not in rioting and drunkenness, Henceforth Augustine's life is filled up with his ecclesiasnot in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and tical labours, and is more marked by the series of his envying. But put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make numerous writings and the great controversies in which they not provision for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof” (Rom. engaged him than by anything else. Already he had xiü. 13, 14). He adds, “ I had neither desire nor need to distinguished himself as an author. He had written several philosophical treatises ; he had combated the scepticism of have been productive of much disaster in the history of The New Academy (Contra Academicos libri tres, 386 A.D.); Christianity. he had treated of the “ Blessed Life" (De vita beata, 386) The third controversy in which Augustino engaged was and of the “ Immortality of the Soul" (De Immortalitate the most important, and the most intimately associated Animce, 387); he had defended the church against the with his distinctive greatness as a theologian. As may be Alanichæans, whose doctrines he had formerly professed. supposed, from the conflicts through which he had passed, “When I was at Rome," he says (Retract., i. 7), " after my the bishop of Hippo was intensely interested in what may baptism, and could not hear in silence the vaunting of the be called the anthropological aspects of the great Christian Manichæans over true Christians, to whom they are not to idea of redemption. He had himself been brought out of be compared, I wrote two books, one on The Morals of the darkness into “ marvellous light,” only by entering into the Catholic Church, and the other on The Morals of the Mani- depths of his own soul, and finding, after many struggles, chæans." These tracts or pamphlets, for they are little more, that there was no power but divine grace, as revealed in the were written in the year 388, about two years after his life and death of the Son of God, which could bring rest conversion. Later, in 395, and again in 400, he pursued to human weariness, or pardon and peace for human guilt. the controversy with the Manichæans, making an elaborate | He had found human nature in his own case too weak reply, in the latter year, to his old associate and friend and sinful to find any good for itself. In God alone he Faustus. The reply was provoked by an attack made by l had found good. This deep sense of human sinfulness Faustus on the Catholic faith, which the “brethren” coloured all his theology, and gave to it at once its depth invited Augustine to answer. This he did characteristically -its profound and sympathetic adaptation to all who feel and energetically by giving in succession “the opinions of the reality of sin—and that tinge of darkness and exaggeraFaustus, as if stated by himself,” and his own in response. tion which as surely have repelled others. When the expres. It was natural that the Manichæan heresy, which had so sion Augustinianism is used, it points especially to those long enslaved his own mind, should have first exercised opinions of the great teacher which were evoked in the Augustine's great powers as a theological thinker and Pelagian controversy, to which he devoted the most mature disputant. He was able from his own experience to give and powerful period of his life. His opponents in this force to his arguments for the unity of creation and of controversy were Pelagius, from whom it derives its name, spiritual life, and to strengthen the mind of the Christian and Cælestius and Julianus, pupils of the former. Pelachurch in its last struggle with that dualistic spirit which 1 gius was a British monk. Augustine calls him "Brito; had animated and moulded in succession so many forms of and Jerome points to his Scottish descent, in such terms, thought at variance with Christianity.
however, as to leave it uncertain whether he was a native But the time was one of almost universal ecclesiastical of Scotland or Ireland (habet progeniem Scotiæ gentis de and intellectual excitement; and so powerful a mental Britannorum vicinią). He was a man of blameless charactivity as his was naturally drawn forth in all directions. acter, devoted to the reformation pf society, full of enthuFollowing his writings against the Manichæans come those siasm, and that confidence in the natural impulses of against the Donatists. This controversy was one which humanity which often accompanies philanthropic enthustrongly interested him, involving as it did the whole siasm. Travelling to Rome about the beginning of the 5th question of the constitution of the church and the idea of century, he took up his abode for a time there, and soon catholic order, to which the circumstances of the age gave made himself conspicuous by his activity and opinions. special prominence. The Donatist schism sprang out of His pupil Cælestius carried out the views of his master with the Diocletian persecutions in the beginning of the century. a more outspoken logic, and was at length arraigned before A party in the Church of Carthage, fired with fanatical the bishop of Carthage for the following, amongst other, zeal on behalf of those who had distinguished themselves heretical opinions :-(1.) That Adam's sin was purely by resistance to the imperial mandates and courted personal, and affected none but himself ; (2.) That each martyrdom, resented deeply the appointment of a bishopman, consequently, is born with powers as incorrupt as of moderate opinions, whose consecration had been per- those of Adam, and only falls into sin under the force of formed, they alleged, by a traditor. They set up, in con- temptation and evil example ; (3.) That children who die sequence, a bishop of their own, of the name of Majorinus, in infancy, being untainted by sin, are saved without succeeded in 315 by Donatus. The party made great pre baptism. Views such as these were obviously in conflict tensions to purity of discipline, and rapidly rose in popular with the whole course of Augustine's experience, as well favour, notwithstanding a decision given against them as with his interpretatioa of the catholic doctrine of the both by the bishop of Rome and by the Emperor Con- church. And when his attention was drawn to them by tantine, to whom they personally appealed. Augustine the trial and excommunication of Cælestius, he undertook was strongly moved by the lawlessness of the party, and their refutation, first of all, in three books on Forgiversess launched forth a series of writings against them, the of Sins and Baptism; addressed to his friend Marcellinus, most important of which survive, though some are lost. | irr which he vindicated the necessity of the baptism of Amongst these are Seven Books on Baptism, and a infants because of original sin and the grace of God by lengthened answer, in three books, to Petilian, bishop of which we are justified (Retract., ii. c. 23). This was in 412. Cirta, who was the most eminent theologian amongst In the same year he addressed a further treatise to the the Donatist divines. At a somewhat later period, about same person, “My beloved son Marcellinus," on The Spirit 417, he wrote a treatise concerning the correction of and the Letter. Three years later he composed two further the Donatists (De Correctione Donatistarum), “for the treatises on Nature and Grace, and the relation of the sake of those,” he says in his Retractations, ü. c. 48, “who Human to the Divine Righteousness. The controversy was were not willing that the Donatists should be subjected to continued during many years in no fewer than fifteen the correction of the imperial laws.” In these writings, treatises. Upon no subject did Augustine bestow more while vigorously maintaining the validity of the Catholic of his intellectual strength, and in relation to no other have Church as it then stood in the Roman world, and the his views so deeply and permanently affected the course of necessity for moderation in the exercise of church discipline, Christian thought. Even those who most usually agree Augustino yot gave currency, in his zeal against the with his theological stand-point will hardly deny that, while Donatista, to certain maxims as to the duty of tho civil he did much in these writings to vindicate divino truth and power to control schism, which wore of evil omen, and to expound the true relations of tho divino and human.