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has been a growing creed in the country, which M. Gambetta speaks, is a composite but not in the Assembly. General Chanzy's idea. It includes moral, scientific, and fispeech gives it a standpoint in the Assem- nancial eminence, and the pursuit of it may bly itself. fairly be expected to have some further and better result than the construction of an enormous ariny.

From The Economist.

THE CANADIAN QUESTION. Ir the Canadian Loan guarantee should force on the people of this country a consideration of the state of their relations with the colonies, it will deserve to rank as one of the most fortunate incidents in our history. To any one capable of looking ahead only a very few years, the blindness of our public men on this question is simply unaccountable. There is no use in blinking the matter; we are steadily drifting at present towards emancipation, as the policy of disintegrating the empire is euphemistically termed.

M. Gambetta has been making a speech as well as General Chanzy, and it is worthy of notice that the two public men who were identified with the most energetic and sustained effort that France made in the late war should both be counselling moderation and resignation to the course of events. The moral of General Chanzy's sermon is acquiescence in the Republic. The moral of M. Gambetta's speech is acquiescence in the dismemberment of France. The difference between the two is that General Chanzy's acquiescence is unqualified, while M. Gambetta's is qualified. If the Republic can give France what she really wants, why should she look forward to any further changes in the future? When she has secured the substance, there will be no need to trouble herself about the form. This is how General Chanzy looks at the future. M. Gambetta is equally decided in his counsel of present resignation, but it is resignation with a view to action." Excitement and enthusiasm are out of place, he says, in a country where so much hard work has to be done. The reconstruction of France is too great an undertaking to be set about except with calmness and deliberation. The people of Alsace and Lorraine must not expect France to make any immediate effort on their behalf. They must be content with knowing that every fresh step that France takes towards the recovery of her former greatness is a step towards the attainment of a "material and moral position in which there is no need even to draw the sword, in which the claims of right are duly satisfied because it is known that behind that right there is strength." This is precisely the lecture that a Piedmontese statesman might have read to the people of Venetia in former years. We can only When the War of Independence closed, help you, he might have said, by helping the population of the United States is beourselves. The stronger Piedmont believed not to have exceeded 3,000,000,. In comes, the harder it will be for Austria to resist the attraction which draws you to M. Gambetta's language has no more promise for the ultimate peace of Europe than the language of wilder preachers; for where a Power like Germany is concerned it is not easy to get a claim satisfied without drawing the sword. But it has at least the advantage that it reminds Frenchmen that the road to regaining the lost provinces lies through something else than military training. National greatness, if it is to impress beholders in the way of

us.

With regard to Canada, indeed, the expression "drifting" hardly conveys the full truth. Rather it would be correct to say that our most influential classes are heartily weary of the connection, and are only at a loss how best to impress the fact upon her. "How long," asked the Times a fortnight ago yesterday, "are we to go on affecting to defend the interests of Canada, which, in truth, we have neither the knowledge nor the ability to protect? Is there nothing in the precedent of Portugal and Brazil which might be considered with advantage in respect of Canada and England?" For the classes represented by the leading journal, these questions sufficiently speak. But is it true that they express the genuine feeling of the people of England? We do not believe it. Let us just consider for a moment what this policy really means.

1870 it was over 38,000,000. In other words, it had been multiplied thirteen times in ninety years! And there can be no reasonable doubt that when the twentieth century opens it will be 80.000,000, probably 90,000,000, possibly 100,000,000. The great German emigration, even in the first flush of the military triumphs and national consolidation of the fatherland, far from decreasing, is actually assuming greater dimensions. The Irish emigra tion, though but small indeed compared with what it was twenty years ago, is still

ness, disputes may, in the most unexpected ways, arise at any moment. But if any one is still not convinced, then let him look at Russia. Her population is already between seventy and eighty millions. In

large, and appears to be again increasing. | of the last ten years as evidence that, Nobody, who watches what is going on either by naval over-zeal or official remissaround us, can doubt that we are on the eve of an English emigration. And if it is safe to predict anything of France, we may venture to assert that popular education and universal military service will lead to a French emigration also. Add a few years she will be on the Hindoo the influx from these and all other quar- Koosh and the Himalayas; she will probters to the natural increase in the States ably have conquered Persia and the themselves, and we shall not be far wrong greater part of China; she will certainly in saying that the population of the Union have constructed the railway to India she will not be very much short of a hundred is already contemplating. How are we to millions by the end of the century. Now meet the coming struggle with her if, in turn to our own case, and if we are to our suicidal folly, we fling away from us be confined to these little islands, we the only allies we can count upon in diswould ask the reader what he candidly aster as surely as in prosperity? Look thinks our position in the world will be again at the mighty military powers that then, not in remote ages, be it remem- are being founded before our eyes all over bered, but within the lifetime of men al- the Continent, and think what a small ready in Parliament? Face to face with a figure these two little islands would cut power of this magnitude, inheriting our beside any one of them. Wherever we own freedom, and with it our own tradi- look, we see nationalities consolidating tions and our own enterprise, does he hon-themselves or striving for reunion: we estly believe that we shall be able to re-alone would renounce fellowship with our tain our place among the nations? We may, of course, along with our colonies, renounce all such ambition, and trust to our usefulness as traders, so long as our coal lasts, to be allowed to play the part of a greater Holland, or we may forget our old Imperial pride, and humbly sue for admission into the Union. But if we would hand down to our children the great heritage we have received from our fathers, we must organize the empire they built up with so much painful effort and such heroic endurance in accordance with the spirit of this newer time.

There is another side to the question, and one that we should not lose sight of. The population of the Canadian Dominion is but little more than a tenth of that of the United States. It would clearly, therefore, be a mockery to bestow on it an independence it could not defend. The Canadians settled in America on the faith of protection from us, and shuffle as we may we cannot escape from the obligation. Nor, in truth, do we believe that the people of England would attempt to shuffle. If Canada, whether it were called dominion, kingdom, or republic were invaded in overwhelming numbers, this country could not, and would not stand tamely by and see it conquered. Even on the most selfish grounds, therefore, it is not our interest to sever the connection with her. If it be objected that we are here assuming an unfriendliness on the part of the United States which does not exist, we might content ourselves with pointing to the history

own flesh and blood. Even if we are insensible to the ties of kindred, and are optimist enough to believe that we shall never again be dragged into war, at least it is desirable that our voice should be powerful to command a hearing when it counsels that peace which is necessary to the prosperity of trade.

The time is fast approaching when it will be necessary to look this question in the face, and resolve to settle it in some way practically. The relations between this country and Canada, at least, clearly cannot be maintained on their present footing much longer. If it was possible to doubt this heretofore, the Treaty of Washington, read by the light of the recent correspondence concerning the loan guarantee, makes it now painfully evident. Although the Alabama dispute almost exclusively engrossed our thoughts in this country, it was, in reality, the least urgent and the least dangerous part of our differences with the United States. The differences arising out of our connection with Canada were, in truth, much more likely to involve us in difficulties, if not in actual hostilities. These differences were of three kinds. There was a dispute of old standing about the boundary of the Island of San Juan; there was a claim on the part of Canada for indemnification on account of the two Fenian raids; and there was a quarrel about the right of fishing in Canadian waters. The two first might very well keep, but the latter was full of peril to the continuance of peace. It is

0004., for the construction of a railway to the Pacific. The motive of the guarantee, clearly be it understood, is not to open emigrants up to the rich corn lands of the Red River country, nor yet to enable the Canadian Government to do so on favourable terms. For our own part, if it were, we should highly applaud it; it is, in plain English neither more nor less than a bribe to secure the ratification of the Treaty of Washington. And, as such, we know of nothing better calculated to lower us in our own eyes and in those of the world.

an acknowledged principle of international agreeing to pay for the privilege a sum to law that every country has exclusive juris- be appraised by a commission. This latter diction over its coasts to the extent of arrangement, were it permanent, would three marine miles from low-water mark. seem to us a reasonable one, but so disThe Americans maintained that the coast tasteful is it to the Canadian Parliament, line follows the indentations. The Cana- that, to obtain its ratification, it has been dians insisted that it was to be measured found necessary by our Government to win from headland to headland. If the Cana-it over by a guarantee of a loan of 2,500,dian interpretation prevailed, American fishermen might be excluded from the Canadian bays, that is, from the only valuable fisheries; and this they refuse to submit to. There had been an old "Reciprocity" Treaty settling the matter, but it had been denounced by President Lincoln, and the Canadians in their annoyance now insisted on their extreme right, while the Americans as obstinately prepared to resist it. Under these circumstances, President Grant sent a couple of vessels to look after the interests of his countrymen; our own Government did the same; and thus an If Canada were fairly represented in a over-zealous naval officer was in a position | Federal Parliament, it is clear that all this to plunge the two countries at any mo- neglect of her interest in the first place, ment into war. To avert the danger, and bribery of her Legislature in the Lord Granville proposed to Mr. Fish that second, would have been avoided. Our a Joint-Commission should be appointed negotiators would have had to take into to settle the dispute. Out of this proposal account the fair claims of the Canadian grew the Treaty of Washington. Now members, certain that if they did not the the Canadians complain- and in truth it sacrifice of those claims would be urged would be difficult to show that they are in an Assembly whose lightest word would wrong that, whereas the Commission be published to the ends of the earth. was originally proposed to settle the fishery And the American Commissioners, indispute, it used that and the Fenian raid stinctively recognizing, from the expericlaims only as means to arrange the Ala-ence of their own country, the impossibilbama question. The Canadians complain, ity of such a sacrifice, would not have venin short, that their interests were disre- tured to treat the Canadian claims so cavgarded, and those of this country alone alierly. To any one who will think the matattended to. Now a moment's considera-ter out, indeed, it must appear evident that tion will show us it could not be other- federation with Canada is the only means wise. Of the five Commissioners we sent out, four were Englishmen, only one a Canadian. It was not in the nature of things but the four should regard every point that turned up from an English standpoint. They were instructed by English Ministers, their labours were hourly checked by telegraph from England, and they had to render an account of their work to an English Parliament. How could they think of, how, indeed, could they know, the interests or the feelings of Canada? They could not, and, as a matter of fact, they did not. While consenting to submit to arbitration the liability of this country on account of the depredations of the Alabama and her sister cruisers, they actually allowed the Americans to repudi- THE LATEST PHASE OF THE ULTRAMON

of escaping the risk of war always impending over us at present. The nondescript Government, whose establishment President Grant so resented, inspires no respect on account of its irresponsibility, yet by that very irresponsibility may at any time commit us irretrievably to a serious quarrel. But were Canada an integral portion of the empire, as Ireland is, we could always check its extravagances, while the United States would think twice and again before risking war.

From The Economist.

TANE STRUGGLE IN GERMANY.

ate all liability for the Fenian raids, and the fishery dispute they settled by throw- THE latest phase in the contest between ing open for ten years both the American Prince Bismarck and the Papacy is worthy and Canadian fisheries. The Americans of a passing comment, as it indicates a

change in the field of battle, which may lead to important results. The German Chancellor evidently intended, until very recently, to fight the battle in Rome itself and through diplomatic agencies, and with this view selected a remarkable agent, Cardinal Prince Hohenlohe, a prelate of the highest birth, devoted to Germany, and suspected by the Curia of somewhat antiInfallibilist views. It was believed that the Cardinal, knowing all the secret machinery of Rome, would be able to exercise great influence at the Vatican, and ultimately bring about a compromise between the Hohenzollerns and the Papacy. The Society of Jesus however, who do not desire this compromise, objected to the arrangement, and the Pope was induced to refuse his assent to the nomination. The refusal stung Prince Bismarck exceedingly, and so much so that he declared it, in Parliament, to be the most severe rebuff he had received in twenty-one years; and it is probable that if left to himself, he would have broken off all intercourse with Rome. That course however was not acceptable to his master, who is greatly influenced by advisers who are reluctant to launch Germany on a path which, as they think, will lead to Liberalism, and the Chancellor was obliged to content himself with milder measures. He should, he explained, endeavour to find another ambassador for Rome, and should meet any pretension of the Catholics to be above the law by internal legislation. As a beginning he accepted a Bill, making it a high offence for the religious orders, and especially, says the telegram, for the Jesuits, to agitate against the State, the punishment of the offence, as we presume, being a decree of dissolution for the offending body; and he threatens to bring in a Bill securing liberty of conscience to all Germans that is, making all ecclesiastical censures inoperative.

This compromise, if it may be so called, is exceedingly dangerous to Rome, as it takes the control of the struggle out of the hands of the politic Chancellor, who is intent mainly on securing the authority of the State, to place it in the hands of the German Parliament, which is intent mainly on reducing the power of the sacerdotal order. So long as the quarrel remained in the Foreign Office, Prince Bismarck need not make any concession to Liberalism that he disapproved; but if it is to be fought out by legislation, he must conciliate the majority which is to pass his laws. As Rome is not likely to yield, he will have to ask constantly for sharper and sharper weapons, and will be led on, step by step, by the necessity of the situation and the pressure of his majority, towards a denial of all authority to Rome. He occupies in fact the position of Henry the Eighth, when he first began to contend for the rights of the State as against external interference, and, like him, may be impelled ultimately to declare the supremacy of the State in all departments - a process which will be the more easy because the German Catholics, although of course acquiescent in the pretensions of Rome, are incapable of disloyalty, and accustomed to see the State claim powers which greatly limit the free action of the episcopate. They would, for example, support the Chancellor in protecting the independence of the priesthood against the Bishops. a point upon which Rome is exceedingly sensitive. The effect therefore of the refusal of the Vatican to receive Cardinal Hohenlohe is to make the dispute a public one, to enlist the Statepassion of Germany on the side of the Chancellor, and to enable the Liberal majority in the German Parliament to intervene directly and daily in the contest. That is not a change in the aspect of affairs which can be beneficial to the Vati

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IMMIGRATION OF SOME ANIMALS TO MAURI- | probable that it is a species of Bronchocoele, TIUS AND REUNION. - Dr. Vinson reports that perhaps B. cristatella. - A fine butterfly (Paabout five years ago a French ship, Le Saint pilio demoleus), a native of the east coast of Charles, Captain Leymarie, landed at Reunion Madagascar and Natal, made its appearacce in a cargo of seedlings of the sugar-cane from Mauritius at the commencement of the year Java. A kind of lizard, previously unknown 1870, and since that date many specimens have in the island, was observed among the young been caught. Another butterfly, Funonia rhaplants; one of them was caught, while others dama, from Madagascar, has become very comescaped and scattered themselves about the mon in the same island since the years 1857 or neighbourhood, where they rapidly increased in 1858, whilst others, such as Vanessa cardui, numbers, and are at present perfectly natural- that were common thirty or forty years ago, are ized. Dr. Vinson considered it to be the Calotes now becoming more and more scarce. (Tranversicolor, which must however be a mistake, sact. R. Soc. Maurit. 1871.) as this lizard is not found in Java; it is more

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