Here's a chart whereon are written

Beatings of my true love's heart:
Never was there seen in Britain

Such a model of a chart.
Up and down in faultless rhythm

Run the curves in ordered law
Bearing testimony with 'em

Of a heart without a flaw.

Charms like this thou hast in plenty;

I resolved to tempt the Fates
When I read thy five-and-twenty

Medical certificates.
Perfect as the heart between 'em

Are thy lungs, and liver too,
While thy matchless duodenum

Is the best that ever grew.

Doctors rave about thy pharynx,

They have scarcely words to tell
All the beauties of thy larynx

And thy bronchial tubes as well;
Thy digestive apparatus

Bids my soul its love confess-
Then let Science come and mate us!

Sweet-and-healthy, whisper Yes!



The death of "General" Booth, which The Salvation Army was the creation we announce with great regret, closes of one man, or rather of a pair of hua strange career, one of the most re- man beings, for the late Mrs. Booth markable that our age has seen, and was scarcely less important to its early will set the world meditating on that development than was her husband. fervent, forceful character and that The root-idea of William Booth's relikeen, though, as some would say, nar- gion, the object of his missionary work, row intelligence. Born of unrecorded was "the saving of souls." Translated parentage, educated anyhow, he had into other language, this means the esraised himself from a position of tablishment of a conviction in the friendless obscurity to be the head of a minds of men, women, and children vast organization not confined to this that they were reconciled to God, country or to the British race, but well saved, and preserved to all eternity known over half the world, and yield. from the penalties of sin. We do not ing to him an obedience scarcely less propose to enter on the delicate ground complete than that which the Catholic of theological discussion, or to argue Church yields to the Roman Pontiff. for or against the truth or value of such a conviction. The interesting sition, do not seem to attract the waspoint, in relation to “General" Booth's trel and the “rough” as they did at ideas and personality, is to note how first. We can readily believe that the this belief is worked into the system of work goes on more or less as before; "the Army" in the official programme, but the gatherings, we suspect, are fantastically called the “Articles of mostly composed of those who have War,” which has to be signed by every long frequented them and of a certain candidate for enrolment. This cu- number of new members drawn rather rious document, which will greatly in- from existing sects than from persons terest future social historians, consists till now untouched by religion. Then, of three parts-a creed, as definite as with regard to the other side of the any taught by the Churches; a promise Army's work, the social schemes outto abstain from drink, bad language, lined in "Darkest England" have met dishonesty, etc.; and a colemn promise with only moderate success, as all cool to obey the lawful orders of the "offi- observers foretold in 1890. They have, cers,” and never on any consideration at least, provided no panacea for povto oppose the interests of the Salvation erty. Probably Mr. Booth felt this Army. The last part, the promissory during the last years of his life; but he part, is made much stricter in the case has been spared the sight of the still of candidates for the position of off- further decline of his projects which cer; these solemnly promise not only to to most of us seems inevitable. Of obey the “General," but to report any course, some persons are more conticase they may observe in others of dent: they argue that Napoleon's sys"neglect or variation from his orders tem did not disappear after Waterloo, and directions." Membership of the nor Wesley's system with the death of organization thus depends on absolute its founder, and that the Roman Cathobedience and on a profession of faith olic Church is as strong as ever, though in salvation in the definite sense formu. Pope after Pope disappears. That is lated in the "Articles of War." The true, but for the very reason that these two are inseparably conjoined. When systems were elaborate organizations, we reflect upon what human nature is, based on the facts of life. The Code in the class from which so many of the Napoléon and the Methodist Connecmembers of the “Army' have been tion were much too well adapted to drawn, when we think how difficult it human needs to disappear with their is to reconcile the hand-to-mouth exist- authors. On the other hand, movements ence of the casual laborer with any and systems which depend wholly upon high standard of conduct, let alone of one man do not often prove to be more religion, “General" Booth's success, than ephemeral. But none would deny partial though it has been, is an aston- that there is much to be learnt from ishing fact. It implies a prodigious the Salvation Army and from the earstrength of character and a genius for nest, strenuous and resourceful personseeing what would appeal to large num. ality of the man who made it. Let us bers of humble folk.

hope that, if the Army as an organiWill that success continue now that zation should ultimately fade away, the “General” Booth is dead? Every- great lesson of its even temporary sucwhere we hear that the Army is not cess will not be forgotten; the lesson bringing in recruits as fast as of old. that any force which is to move manIts novelty has worn off; its uniforms kind must regard man's nature as spir

no longer impressive; its street itual as well as material, and that the services, though they provoke no oppo

weak and humble, the poor and the


"submerged,” share in that double nature as much as those who spend their

The Times.

lives in the sunshine of worldly prosperity.


Ever since the publication of Presi- possession of them. But the prohibident Monroe's famous message the tion of future colonization has become meaning and application of the Mon- of far greater importance since that roe Doctrine has from time to time day. All the Great Powers have under interested the Governments of the Old their rule a large number of intending World. According to the aspect in emigrants, and Great Britain alone which it is regarded, it has appeared has an American colony in which they a claim to the ultimate dominion over find a ready welcome. The Monroe the South American Continent, or a Doctrine, though it has never been acrecognition of responsibility for the cepted in its fullest sense by the Euacts of States enjoying a large measure ropean Powers, has never received any of independence. It is in this latter other interpretation at Washington, aspect that it has of late years gained and there is little doubt that, if the most attention. The annexation of the meaning were challenged, the GovernSouth American communities can ment of the United States would reashardly have any attractions for the sert it beyond the possibility of mismost ambitious Americans of the take. North. The advantages are too doubt- The United States Senate has gone ful; the drawbacks too certain. But a step further in the traditional direcif the United States has no wish to in- tion of American policy. It has recorporate South America in the Union solved, by fifty-one votes to four, that she is resolved not to tolerate any “when any harbor or other place in the transfer of sovereignty to a foreign American Continent is so situated that Government. The part played by the occupation thereof for naval or France in Mexico was only made pos- military purposes might threaten the sible by its coincidence with the War communications or safety of the United of Secession, and at one moment in States the Government could not see 1896 a difficulty in settling the bound- without grave concern the possession ary line between Venezuela and British of such harbor or other place by any Guiana almost brought the United corporation or association which has States and Great Britain within sight such relation to another Government, of war. In 1823, indeed, the declara- not American, as to give that Governtion that "the American Continents ment practical power of control for are henceforth not to be considered as national purposes.” The resolution is subjects for future colonization by any somewhat cumbersome in its wording, European Power" bad reference to a but its meaning is perfectly clear. very different condition of things from There was a report current in the that which exists now. It was asso- spring that negotiations were in progciated with the recent recognition of ress for the purchase of land round the independence of Spanish-Ameri- Magdalena Bay in Colombia, and that can republics, and was directed in the the Japanese Government had some in. first instance against any possible at- terest in the project. Very possibly tempt on the part of Spain to recover the last half of this rumor was quite unfounded, but it pointed to a contin- kind should be embarked in by any gency which might easily be realized in Government, but if there is any unthe future. A shipbuilding firm, for easiness felt at Washington on this example, might find it convenient to head it is well that it should be at once have a part of its works on American relieved. It is well within the purground, and so long as it had no politi- pose, if not within the actual words, cal connections and built ships for all of the original Monroe declaration. buyers there would be no need for the Foreign corporations and foreign GovUnited States Government to take ernments are not identical things, but alarm. But supposing that this firm in certain circumstances the one may were associated in any special way easily be turned to the use of the other. with its own Government, a reason for From the point of view of Great uneasiness might present itself at very

Britain this action of the Senate need short notice. The works and the har- cause no uneasiness. With the prin bor in which they were situated might ciple of the Monroe Doctrine we are conceivably admit of being speedily familiar, and Mr. Lodge's resolution fortified in a rough way, and if they does not really go beyond it. It is were protected by ships of their own hardly possible that it should injure nationality the once innocent shipyard any one in this country, and it cermight become for the time an enemy's tainly serves as a protection against outpost in or near the territory of the a real danger. The vast area of South United States. Something of this kind America is divided among several commay be what the Foreign Relations munities whose interests are not alCommittee had in view when they in- ways the same as our own, and when structed Mr. Lodge to move his reso- the two are antagonistic they are capalution. It is the offspring of an alarm ble of making our political relations which, however remote the justifica highly inconvenient. The Monroe Doction of it may be, cannot be called un- trine offers a way out of these difficul. reasonable. A large amount of foreign ties. It constitutes the United States capital is already invested in the a kind of buffer between the contendUnited States, and more is likely to go ing parties; it provides a means of there. There is no reason why in the reconciling our interests and theirs great majority of cases this immigra- without demanding an unconditional tion of capital should not find a ready surrender on either side. But it does welcome and attract no special notice not do this without laying a very real from the Government. But it is easy burden on the United States. It makes to imagine exceptions to this rule. her in a sense a mediator between the Such a company may, as the Times European and the South American puts it, “be to all intents and purposes Powers. France, or Germany, or Great a foreign company, and conceivably an Britain is offended by some act of a instrument of a foreign Government South American State. Were it not for or under its control.". Mr. Lodge ap- the Monroe Doctrine, she might assert pears to have defended the resolution her interests in a high-handed fashion as calculated to prevent a request for which would soon bring the offender the withdrawal of such a company

to his knees. But the effect of the dochaving to be addressed to a foreign trine is to plant the whole strength of Power, “when that withdrawal could the United States in the way of carry. not be made without humiliation." It ing out this policy. The aggrieved seems improbable that a commercial European Government may be fully enterprise of this rather questionable assured of the justice of its claims, and



yet may be indisposed to enforce them enforcing them is out of all proporat the cost of a war with a first-class tion to their value. Nor is it safe to Power. It is essential, therefore, to assume that the original form of the the proper working of the Monroe Doc- Monroe Doctrine no longer possesses trine that whenever a European State any significance. Certainly Spain is suffers serious wrong at the hands of not likely to seek to reimpose her yoke

South American Government upon her revolted subjects in South people the United States should insist America. But there are other Powers on proper redress from the offender. by whom the need of finding some terIt is clear that the assumption of this ritory which their subjects may colonoffice may impose very grave duties ize without losing their nationality is upon the intervening Power. The keenly felt, and the enormous disproSouth American Governments rule for portion between the territories and the the most part over territories which, populations of some of the South though thinly populated, are of vast American States may some day sug. extent, and to enforce the acceptance gest the possibility of meeting this of the United States award may in- need-not, of course, by conquest, but volve the suppression of a prolonged by peaceful purchase. In such a case sporadic resistance. Or the Washing- as this the Monroe Doctrine might ton Government may be of opinion that have to be applied against two States its South American clients have right equally anxious to give effect to an on their side, and so may find itself agreement into which they have willcommitted to a conflict with a Euro- ingly entered. We say this not as conpean Power which it may have scanty stituting an argument against the docmeans of bringing to book. Small trine in question, but solely on the States are sometimes wantonly reck- ground that it is not prudent to ignore less in giving provocation, and great the difficulties which may stand in the States do not always stop to remember way of applying it. It is best not to be how little they have to gain at best, too confident of the success even of the and how much to lose at worst, from best devised plan for promoting the insisting upon rights when the cost of peace of the world.

The Spectator.


There appeared not long ago in the likes to be soothed by it for the time columns of a contemporary an article being, but rarely applies what he finds on the Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam. in it to his daily life. It sought to prove that the philosophy But if this "Religious Unrest" is of the poem and its wide circulation traceable to literature, and it probably among all manner of people was the is, the literature in question is far cause of what is generally described more likely to be prose writing than as "Religious Unrest." Such a con- poetry. A recent writer in The Aoadtention possibly over-estimates the in- emy, basing an article on “rusty pans," fluence of the Rubaiyat, because the a phrase occurring in Mr. Masefield's general reader does not look deeply into “The Everlasting Mercy" (a poem, by the philosophical teaching of the poetry the way, which contains a philosophy he reads: he is, as a rule, satisfied with the absolute antithesis of that of its beauty of phrase and rhythm. He Omar), showed us that the present ten

« ElőzőTovább »