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of the Rooseveltians had for reducing the cost of living, and a doubt persuaded themselves that their general resolve to unite upon a chamleader was actuated by something bet- pion who would bring that policy about. ter than greed for office and power, the By electing Senator James to preside battle was so obviously a personal one over the National Democratic Commit-accompanied by so much hitting be- tee the leaders of the Convention put low the belt and such an odious display an end to the difficulties created by the of vulgarity and self-advertisement- nomination of Judge Parker. The that it could not make any appeal to Senator's speech was by all accounts a the higher instincts of the nation. The tremendous success. He contrasted real question of the day in the United the distracted and divided state of the States is the cost of living, and the Republican party with the unity and real contest is the contest between Pro- harmony of the Democrats. The Retection and Free-trade, or between the publicans by their action had confessed protected Trusts and the suffering con- the failure of the President, and had sumers. The nomination and election exposed his unfaithfulness to the cause of Judge Parker as Chairman elicited of the masses. The abominations of

strong protest from Mr. Bryan the tariff were the keynote of this against reactionary policies, and Mr. speech, and the cry of a tariff for reveRoosevelt's busy friends in the Press nue only, with enormous reductions all contrived to spread a rumor that Mr. round, will be the battlecry of the DemBryan would bolt like Mr. Roosevelt, ocratic party in the election campaign. and would eventually co-operate with The tax upon woollen goods was picked him in the formation of a new Pro- out by Senator James as the most ingressive party. The wish, no doubt, defensible of all the taxes, and it looks was father to the thought. But the as if President Taft's action in refusing atmosphere of Baltimore was utterly to sign the Bill passed by Congress for different from the atmosphere of Chi- the reduction of the woollen tariff will cago, and Mr. Bryan, with all his prove (as we thought it would at the faults, has a certain simple loyalty to tiine) the most disastrous of all his both principle and party which has not mistakes. The correspondent of the been consumed in the devouring flames Daily Telegraph states, after conversaof a personal vanity. Judge Parker tion with leading Democrat officials, and all the leaders at Baltimore soon that the party will make its fight beshowed that they meant to work for fore the country on a tariff for revenue conciliation, and the spirit of the Con- only and will thus conciliate the vention was the spirit of a party long masses, who hope by tariff legislation out of office, animated by a confident to secure a reduction in the cost of hope of victory, with an honest policy living. The Economist.

PARTY PROSPECTS IN AMERICA.

Mr. Roosevelt has bolted, but how mately be fixed. With all his imfar will he run? or, rather, how far petuosity, “the Colonel” is as "slim" will he induce his followers to go? As as all the Bosses put together, and we his insatiable egoism knows no limits, may be sure that he will go in the it is impossible to anticipate where direction where he believes popular the bounds of his secession may ulti- support awaits him. When we remem

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ber the strictness of party ties in the United States, it is strange that he should have received as many votes as he did; still the Roosevelt legend has sustained a rude shock. The defeat in the Convention may be like O'Connell's check at Clontarf, and the reputation of this master of mobs may never recover. At all events, party discipline proves to be a much tougher bond than was imagined. More than one hundred and thirty of the pledged Roosevelt delegates at the Convention refused to obey his orders. This shows that though Mr. Roosevelt may break up his party he will not rush the majority along the road he marks out. He may give the Presidency to the Democrats, but he will not carry it for himself with Republican votes. There is a story current in America, and told here, we believe, by Mr. Smalley, too apposite to omit, "Father,” said Mr. Roosevelt's son, "must always be in it. When he is at a wedding he wants to be the bride, when he is at a funeral he wants to be the corpse.” At the funeral of the Republican régime he bids fair to provide the pièce de résistance.

Not long ago in this Review an excellent book by Mr. Maurice Low was noticed, in which the writer pointed out the dangerous tendency to defiance of the law patent throughout the United States. Mr. Roosevelt is typically American in setting up as a law to himself. When anyone else is in authority he is impatient till he takes his place. No doubt he genuinely believes that he alone can save his party and his country, but to the ordinary man he appears to have violated all the traditions of friendship and decorum. It would indeed be impossible to imagine, even in an age of grotesque selfadvertisement, anything more disgusting than the corybantic ravings of this ex-Chief Magistrate of a great State during the last month. We wonder

what the European potentates and statesmen who bowed down before this super-advertiser think of it all! They worshipped him because they thought he represented the American people, but he does not even represent the Republican party. He taken for Cæsar, but he turns out to be at the best nothing but a Cleon manqué. The world, even though so ready to take the pushful at their own value, is beginning to ask what substance there was in all the verbosity of those interminable harangues. One thing is clear-that when in office the Reformer was ready enough to accept the help of the Bosses and their organizations when he desired a victory at the polls.

Whatever line the Democrats may take up, in Mr. Roosevelt's programme we find Radicalism enough and a grave threat to the stability of the Constitution. The principal items appear to be women's suffrage, the direct election of Senators, the restoration to the people of control over the Government, now fallen into the hands of a minority (whatever that may mean), the choice of Presidential candidates by direct primary elections, and the “recall" of judges and their decisions. There is also to be a reform of the tariff at the hands of an expert Commission. This last item is studiously vague. If the American people accepts this programme or anything like it, and puts Mr. Roosevelt at the White House to carry it through, the American Constitution, as we have understood it, will disappear, and in its place we shall have a plebiscitary Cæsarism. This would be entirely in accordance with Mr. Roosevelt's manner of comporting himself when in power. His talk was habitually of “my policy, my ministers," and so on. And this undoubt. edly impressed European opinion till it believed that Mr. Roosevelt really was America. His avowed policy of fur

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ther curtailing States' rights and ex- expect the Democrats to become alting the judicial power all tends in purists in international morality when the same direction.

its violation would prove so profitable. But does the man of American opin- Neither Mr. Bryan nor any other Demion really desire this evolution and the ocratic President would be so oblivious complete break-up of parties? We of his own interests or the prospects of doubt it altogether, and anticipate a a Second Term as to rouse national Democratic victory, unless there should feeling against himself and his party be some gross blunder in tactics. But by neglecting any question in which the important question for the rest of national honor or interest was imagthe world is, What will be the attitude ined to be specially involved. The of a Democratic President to the prob- Panama Canal is one of these queslems of policy which concern the world tions, the Monroe Doctrine is another, and not merely America ? The answer Japanese immigration is a third. We must be purely speculative at present, do not think that the Democrats would for it is fifteen years since a Demo- modify in such matters the policy of cratic President held the reins, but the the Republicans. Nor is policy towards Democratic party have throughout this country likely to change. We shown themselves to be anti-imperial- have never affected to believe that Reist. They disliked the acquisition of publicans were swayed by sentiment the Philippines, and probably very few

in their dealings with us; no people in the United States at the would be the Democrats. Under either present time are really glad that the the German and the Irish vote have to islands were acquired, or take much be manipulated, and the incident of pride in their possession. This ques

President Cleveland and Venezuela is tion may solve itself before long for difficult to forget. the United States may find an opportu- The big-stick so blatantly brandished nity of ridding themselves for value by the ex-President will hardly be received of a dependency which they found in the hands of any Democrat, value little and have made no great and we doubt if he would prove the success in governing. As to Cuba, it author of another Panama-Columbia would hardly be possible for the least coup. But the most important quesJingo of Presidents to ease himself of tion for England is, Will a Democratic that burden. It is too near to the President continue a series of great Panama Canal route. But to the shipbuilding programmes ? Such whole McKinley foreign policy, of policy would be entirely contrary to which Cuba and Porto Rico are the Democratic tradition, nor would it concrete expression, Mr. Bryan and his tend towards tariff reduction, which is friends were, and we suppose are, res- the one unalterable item of a Demoolutely opposed. It is not possible to cratic platform. A Democratic Presianticipate any modification in the pol- dent, however much his principles icy of fortifying the Panama Canal, ap- might require it, will hardly resist the proved and prosecuted by President pressure of opinion in the direction of Taft. It is true that we tacitly aban- national self-assertion. The isolation doned our opposition by the Hay- of the United States in international Pauncefote Treaty. But the proposed questions is gone, and in this matter preferential treatment of American Democrats cannot differ much from vessels is a clear violation of treaty Republicans, though expenditure on provisions. We can hardly, however, armaments may be reduced.

The Saturday Review.

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DR. WOODROW WILSON'S TASK.

The expected has happened at the broken allegiance of the party for the Democratic Convention at Baltimore. three-cornered fight, which ought, upon The secession of insurgent Republicans the present setting of the chances, to at Chicago under Mr. Roosevelt made lead him to victory next November. the nomination of a Radical Democrat On issues of constitutional reform, a matter of plain party necessity. Af- which Mr. Roosevelt has so far thrust. ter a prolonged measurement of forces, into the forefront of his campaign, Dr. Dr. Woodrow Wilson was chosen. Wilson has hitherto expressed himself Though less widely known throughout with moderation. His advocacy of the country than Mr. Bryan, he enjoys such measures as the referendum and many advantages. In the first place, initiative and the recall has been far he has risen rapidly to fame, and leaves more discriminating than Mr. Rooseno record of political failure and dis- velt's. It seems tolerably clear that carded projects behind him. His bril- now that the game is set out, the latliant reputation as a scholar and the ter will force the running upon lines ex-President of a leading University, of bolder Radical doctrine than any yet though serving to recommend him to indicated. For no success can seem cultured Americans, is of dubious elec- possible for him unless he can detach tioneering value. The "plain people" from the democratic camp large secin America have always been shy of tions of voters for whom the "radicalthe occasional intrusions of men of ism" of Dr. Wilson is too tame. His academic distinction into practical pol- personal following among Repubitics. Though college presidents are in licans is doubtless far stronger than great request as intellectual consultants Mr. Taft's in the West and Mid-West, on all sorts of public occasions, they and he may take over the regular Rehave generally been regarded as "kid- publican machine in some of these glove politicians," unfit for the rough States. But his only real chance lies and tumble of hard practical affairs. in welding into a temporary union all Since quitting Princeton for the Gov- the forces of social discontent by perernorship of New Jersey, Dr. Wilson, suading them that he is the political however, has shown himself made of Messiah they have so long been waitstuff which even the most professional ing for—the heaven-sent leader who of machine politicians have learned to shall restore to the people the powers respect. He has made his mark for of government which the politicians sagacity and force of character by and their paymasters have stolen from crushing and outwitting the corruptest them, and which they now most urgang of bosses and boodlers in a State gently require for the salvation of the which enjoys the most unsavory repu- commonwealth. He must angle for tation in the Union. Of his personal the confidence of the large numbers of platform upon federal politics, little de- Labor men and Socialists and disillutailed knowledge is abroad. Though sioned Democrats, who were able recognized as belonging to the Radical eighteen years ago to muster a voting wing, he has never committed himself force of nearly two millions under the to the wilder proposals upon finance title of a People's Party. These ultraand railroads which have formed the radicals he must drive in the same team staple of Mr. Bryan's oratory, and is with the timid respectables who form therefore more likely to retain the un- citizen leagues, and the essentially conservative farmers who have stood forces of national life, any proposal to firmly round him since his rough-rider cede to the Federal authority concrete days. To this difficult task Mr. Roose- powers of legislation, administration, velt brings unbounded self-confidence or taxation hitherto wielded by the and the enthusiasm this engenders, a several States is liable to arouse strong genius for sounding moral platitudes opposition. Yet some encroachments and for dramatic tactics. But these on State rights, some positive enlargequalifications of a preliminary cam- ments of Federal power, are indispenpaign will not suffice to secure for him sable to a really radical process of resuccess next November. Unless he can form. The power of Trusts cannot be devise a bolder policy for dealing with curbed or broken so long as they can the concrete problems which underlie crouch behind the protecting ægis of the seething discontent of the Ameri- State Charters. The nationalization can workers than he has yet disclosed, of Railways, the policy which must he cannot pit his new Progressive soon emerge from the half-way house Party against the regular machines of Federal control, is impracticable with any prospect of victory. A mere without a cession of existing State pow. appeal against the corrupt tyranny of ers. A drastic and effectual handling machines and bosses will never suc- of currency and banking, so as to give ceed, for his new party will speedily substance to the misnomer of a Nadegenerate into a new machine, and he tional Bank, and to protect the curhas all the instincts and talents of a rency and credit of the country from boss. At the roots of American dis. the risks and shocks of warring or comcontent lie the Trusts, the Railways, bining groups of financiers, demands a the Money Power, and the Tariff, four strongly centralized control from interrelated sources of tyranny and Washington. Finally, Tariff for Rev. plunder. Mr. Roosevelt's only chance enue will never secure for the Ameriis to develop so drastic a federal pol- can people the advantages of free imicy for dealing with these grievances as ports, or rid them of the tariff-bred moto place, not only Mr. Taft, but Dr. nopolies, until a Federal policy of diWilson, in the category of Conserva- rect taxation is constitutionally feastives.

ible, so as to yield the growing NaWhether he is prepared for such a tional Revenue that is needed. If Dr. revolutionary design remains to be Wilson desires to make the Democratic seen, The Democratic Platform, as Party the instrument of a national polformulated at Baltimore, is conserva- icy which shall place the United States tive enough, throwing its main stress in the front of political civilization, inupon a Tariff for revenue, and dealing stead of in the rear, he must rally the with trusts and monetary reform in solid party, including the hitherto Conterms of studied vagueness. But, as servative South, round a programme the fight proceeds, Dr. Wilson will, of which will jettison the orthodox Democourse, develop his own proposals. The cratic conceptions of State rights. It real difficulty of Radical Democracy is the manifest strategy for Mr. Rooselies in the sentiments and traditions of velt to force this supreme test of RadState rights which still cling round the icalism upon the Democratic nominee, party. Though

Conservative and if his Progressive Party means Democrats, like Mr. Cleveland, make business, we may look for roof-lifting large concessions to the centralizing proposals at its August Convention.

The Nation.

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