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did he not abandon Tachos, who had hired his assistance, and embrace the interests of Nectanebus, for this reason alone, because it was more for the interest of the Lacedemonians to support the latter than the former ? an action which, under the mask of public good, was downright treachery, as Plutarch himself has observed. In conversation, Agesilaus talked of nothing but justice; his discourses upon this subject were the finest in the world. Hearing that a certain thing was pleasing to the "great king," he demanded, "how is he greater than I, if he is not more just?" Fine theory! but his practice did not answer it, when his kingdom was in question. I am apt to believe that, for private views, he could not easily have acted against conviction; and this is the reason why I pretend he had the religion of a sovereign. How many kings and princes are zealous for their religion, just, and honest in themselves; but if it be thought for the public good to annoy their enemies, most of them, if not all, follow the maxims of Lacedemon! I believe a book entitled, "The Religion of a Sovereign," would sell well; it would cause the " Religio Medici" to be forgotten.

Two days ago, I heard a person of merit say, "that an Italian prince, demanding too advantageous conditions, in negociating a treaty of peace with a powerful monarch, who had taken most of his dominions from him, the envoy of that monarch answered him; but what security will you give the king, my master, if he comply with all your demands?' 'Answer him,' replied the prince, that I engage my word to him, not in quality of a sovereign, for as such I must sacrifice every thing to aggrandize myself, and lay hold of every opportunity of contributing to the glory and advantage of my dominions; tell him then, that I engage my word to him, not in this quality (which would be to promise nothing) but as a gentleman and an honest man."" Though this language does not answer

the ideas of those who have introduced in the style of the chancery the set form, "we promise upon the faith and word of a king;" yet it is very sincere and very just.

Let us make two remarks more. First, I distinguish between the belief of Urban VIII, and that of Mapheus Barbarini. The religion of a sovereign, as such, and religion, personally speaking, are two things.

My other remark is this. Agesilaus had a very great respect for his gods; he would not suffer their temple to be plundered nor prophaned, either in Greece, or in the country of the barbarians; and he reckoned those as sacrilegious, who ill treated an enemy that took refuge in a temple. During the march of his troops, he lodged always in the most sacred temples, to have the gods witnesses of his most private domestic actions. This was his personal religion, but as soon as he looked upon himself as a king, the good and the advantage of his kingdom were his chief divinity, to which he sacrificed virtue and justice, divine and human laws. I cannot tell whether all those that cite this sentence thus translated from Euripides,

Nam si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia
Violandum est: aliis rebus pietatem colas,

comprehend all the energy of it: one may see in it the spirit of those that acquire kingdoms, and of those that govern states; they fall sometimes into superstition. Look upon Agesilaus's particular conduct; it is very regular," aliis rebus pietatem colas;" he does not swerve from equity, but as he is a king, " regnandi gratia violandum est.' As a man, he will tell you sincerely, "amicus usque ad aras;" but if he speak according to his thought as a sovereign, he will tell "I will observe the treaty of peace so long as the good of my kingdom requires it; I will laugh at my oath as soon as the maxim of state will have it so. If he would rather have the Persians violate the truce, than to begin to violate it himself, it is because he

you,

hoped for a great profit from that conduct of the Persians. Our good Agesilaus, who would have thought it a sin against good morality, if he had been well clothed, and if he had made good cheer, made no scruple to be the usurper of a kingdom. Thus certain casuists damn women without remission that dress themselves too delicately: they can neither suffer their ribbons nor their jewels; but they do not only permit men to revolt, and to engage themselves in a civil war, but even exhort them to it.-Art. AGESILAUS.

RELIGIOUS MURDER.

PETER DE LA PLACE was born in the country of Angoulême he was in his youth so well educated in learning, that he alone of all his brothers resolved to follow the study of the law, in which he made such proficiency, that before he was twenty-two years of age, he composed a paraphrase on actions, and about that time began to frequent and practise at the bar of the parliament of Paris, where he acquired the character of a sensible, well-spoken, and conscientious man; for which reason, Francis I chose him for his advocate in his Court of Aids, at Paris. He executed that office with the greatest integrity, and therefore Henry II chose him, himself, out of many, to be his first president in the Court of Aids. He inwardly embraced the faith of the reformed churches in the year 1554, and professed it openly after the death of Francis II: but the troubles that arose soon after, obliged him to retire, for the security of his person, to his own house in the country of Picardy. The calm returning in the year 1562, he went to the king to clear himself of several malicious aspersions which some enemies had thrown upon him; and after his majesty was satisfied with his defence, he paid his respects to the prince of Condé, who immediately committed to him the charge and superintendency of all his household af

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fairs; which he undertook with such zeal, that in all things relating to the prince, he spared neither his substance, nor children, nor even his own person, so much was he devoted to his service. The disturbances which broke out again five years after, made him retire once more from Paris to the castle of Vé, in Valois, where he suffered great persecution. The reformed church, having enjoyed some rest, he returned to his own house, and notwithstanding the opposition of a certain person, who during the war had been possessed of his place, he entered again upon his office of president, and exercised it without blemish, being respected by all honest men, and feared by the wicked, till the massacre of St Bartholomew; at which he was killed in the manner following: Captain Michael, arquebusier to Charles IX, went to the house of Peter de la Place at six o'clock in the morning. He was armed with an arquebuse on his shoulder, and a pistol at his girdle, and as a signal that he was one of the massacreers, wore a napkin about his left arm. The first words he spoke were, that the duke of Guise had killed, by the king's order, the admiral and several other Huguenot lords: and as all the rest of the Huguenots, whatever quality they were of, were destined to death, he was come to the house of the said M. de la Place to save him from that calamity. But that he desired they would show him the gold and silver that was in the house. The answer of M de la Place made the captain blaspheme, and obliged him to tell him that he ordered him to come and speak with the king. La Place then doubting there was some great sedition in the city, slipt out at a back door of his house, designing to retire to a neighbour's house. In the mean while, most of the servants disappeared, and the captain, having got a thousand crowns, as he was going away, was entreated by Madame des Maretz, daughter to the said La Place, to conduct her and her husband M. des Maretz to the house of some Catholic

friend, which he agreed to, and actually did. After that, the said M. de la Place, having been refused access at three different houses, was forced to return to his own, where he found his wife in a very melancholy condition.* He exhorted her to patience, then ordered the servants that remained in the house to be called, who being come into his chamber, as he had used every Sunday to make a form of exhortation to his family, he went to prayer, then began to read a chapter of Job, with the exposition or sermon of Calvin, and discoursed a little upon the justice and mercy of God: 'who,' said he, 'like a good father, exercises his elect with divers chastisements, that their minds may not be fixed on the things of this life.' . . . Then he went to prayer again, preparing both himself and all his family, to endure all sorts of torments, and even death itself, rather than do any thing against the honour of God. Having ended his prayer, they came to tell him that M. de Senescay, prevost de l'hôtel, with several of his archers were at the gate demanding, by the king's order, that the gate might be opened, and saying that he came to preserve the person of the said de la Place, and to hinder the house from being plundered by the populace: whereupon the said M. de la Place commanded the gate to be opened for him, who being entered, told him the great slaughter that was made of the Huguenots throughout the whole city, and by the order of the king, adding these words mingled with Latin, that there would not be left one single man, 'qui mingat ad parietem.' Nevertheless, that the king had expressly commanded him to take care that no injury be done him, but to bring him to the Louvre, because his majesty wanted to be informed by him of several things relating to the affairs of the Protestants, of which he had had the management, and therefore that he should prepare himself to go to

* P. de Farnace, p. 20.

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