been the first of the nations, has rendered herself feeble and impotent by her fickleness and ceaseless changes. It were a difficult task to reckon up the various constitutions which she has successively adopted and rejected during the last fifty or sixty years. Her original hereditary monarchy was closed by the bloody tragedy of the murder of her King -royal blood-which was amply avenged upon the people by the selfinflicted horrors of the Red Republicanism which succeeded. Weary of that system of savage retaliation, France sought refuge in a military despotism which dazzled the eyes of her vain people, while it drained her treasure and devoured her sons. Europe rebelled against that usurpation; and again France accepted legitimate royalty-but as quickly repudiated it, and sought in a King of her own creation the beau-ideal of good government-probably the best she ever enjoyedbul that also she has now upturned, and none can tell under what form of government she may be found, even a few weeks hence! France has indeed been foremost among the nations in her love of change-but she appears at length to have imparted her restless spirit alike to the phlegmatic German and the indolent Italian-so that since this sermon was preached, and while it was passing through the press, the Pope himself has been besieged and humbled in the Vatican, and the sovereign people have trampled on the sovereign Pontiff.

Within our own dominions there have been found some congenial spirits who would also have involved this favored land, if they could, in the same vortex of anarchy. But, blessed be God, by his gracious Providence overshadowing us, these attempts have proved futile and vain. The menace of physical force and mob demonstration which threatened our metropolis, called forth an exhibition of loyalty and love of order which at once extinguished all the hopes of the wicked and disaffected; and the incipient rebellion in Ireland has left its deluded promoters to the pity and derision of the world. But the more these extraordinary circumstances are investigated, the more we shall be persuaded of their great peculiarity:-the history of Europe during the last four months must read like the history of as many centuries; so many, and such strange, unparalleled events are crowded into that short period.

But there is another peculiarity which deserves special notice. This spirit of universal anarchy, rebellion, and insubordination, not merely against one form of government, but against all legitimate rule, broke

forth at a period when from the peculiar state of these countries there was less occasion or excuse for such a movement than in any previous crisis in their history. There are circumstances of national wrong, and there are degrees of oppression, which if they do not justify the uprising of the people, at least qualify and extenuate their guilt. Had these civic rioters, and burgher rebels, been serfs of the soil, ground down by intolerable cruelty, or plundered by extortions, such as antient kings were wont to inflict upon their subjects, some apology might be attempted for the movement. When, indeed, in the commencement of her since fickle and not guiltless course, France first rose against the house of Bourbon, there might be something said in her defence: that antient dynasty had become corrupt and unjust-government was venal, and the people were oppressed-not so much by the amiable monarch who then was so unfortunate as to occupy the throne, as by the entire corruption of the system, the incrustation of ages, and the dregs of long mis-rule. But in the recent instance-what plausible excuse had France, we might say, Paris, for ejecting the king of her creation? Granting that many things might be alleged which needed remedy and reform, was there anything in the rule of Louis Phillippe which justified, or was a sufficient excuse for so awful a plunge as the nation then took-any good to be obtained at all commensurate with the immediate evils necessarily occasioned? Nine Frenchmen out of ten, at this moment, would be too happy if things could be restored as they were on that fatal night!

Equally true is this observation with respect to Italy, Germany, Austria, and Prussia. Not that I would be understood to say that among these various governments there was no oppression, that there were no wrongs, or that there were no laws which needed to be improved;-all that I affirm is this-that these states having undergone many previous modifications and ameliorations in their system of government, and many of them being then actually in a course of legitimate improvement, there never was less occasion, nor less excuse for so general, so universal, so popular an outbreak. Never had men less wherewith to justify their disposition to change-never was the sin of rebellion, disaffection, and riot, more naked, more odious, more criminal!

This is singularly true of our own country. Whether it be for weal or for woe, the fact is notorious that for the last forty years the popular principle has been steadily advancing in this country; every law which

has passed the legislature for many years, has savoured of this principle-it has encroached upon the influence and privileges of the Throne and of the Lords, and has tended to increase the power of the Commons. The Catholic Relief Bill-the Reform Bill-the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, and many others of a similar character, justify this assertion; the people never had less cause to complain; every party, sect, and faction are represented-and opportunity is afforded to all not only to enjoy their civil and religious liberties, to a degree never before experienced in this or in any other country-but to make known their imaginary or real grievances in the highest quarters with the utmost impunity. There is no country upon the face of the earth where riot, rebellion, or treason could be so unpardonable.

And if we look for a moment to the sister isle-to rebellious, ungrateful Ireland-the same observation will hold good. There never was a time in Irish history when outbreak and treason could be more unpardonable. At the period of the celebrated rebellion of '98, some excuses might be alleged, some apology made for an exasperated and oppressed people: harsh laws existed, and even they were not always administered with an even hand-justice was sometimes one-sidedthe country was devoured by strife and division-at all events there was something to be said in palliation of the crimes of men goaded on to desperation. But how different the state of things now! What have we been doing for Ireland for the last forty years? We have given her almost every thing she has asked-every thing that liberalism itself could devise! When she first clamoured for what was termed "Catholic emancipation," the most solemn pledges were given that nothing more should be required, and that the rights of the united Church of England and Ireland should be respected by Romish legislators;-how far these pledges have been redeemed, impartial history will decide: but one thing is certain, that there has been no cessation of Irish clamour for more and more—and we have given her more-and in addition to all this, the hand of British charity has poured into the lap of famished Ireland, almost a nation's wealth,-the fee-simple of some of the smaller European states-and in return, what have we received?— ingratitude, treachery, treason and rebellion! I repeat it-there never was a period in Irish history, when there was less excuse for disaffection to the throne of the Queen of England, never a season when abuse and ingratitude to the English nation could be more ungenerous.

And now the most interesting and important practical enquiry suggests itself; the nations, or rather the populace of Europe have cast off" the fear of the Lord and of the king, and they have meddled "with those who are given to change"-now what results have been produced? If universal peace, prosperity, wealth and happiness have been diffused amidst the rebellious nations, the primitive truths revealed in my text might be questioned. But is it so? Have the glorious consequences ensued which republicans and democrats promised to their deluded votaries? There is not one single city, country or nation, where democracy has revelled, which has not been stained with blood, disgraced by heartless cruelty, and ruined for the time in its commercial interests. "Their calamity has arisen suddenly, and who knoweth the "ruin of them both!" Look at unhappy France, the foremost in this race of revolutions! Her amiable philosophers, and speculative theorists, promised her LIBERTY, FRATERNITY, and EQUALITY! Her liberty has fled from the terrors of the many-headed monster to seek refuge beneath the soldier's sword and the military siege! Her fraternity has been a horrid embrace of blood-brother has plunged sword into his brother's bosom-and even sisters have mingled in the disgusting slaughter! Equality, indeed, she has obtained-for all ranks, classes, trades and professions, have been involved in equal ruin, and well nigh in national bankruptcy! Let those who look on revolutions as the playthings of the people, and who regard rebellion and treason as slight and venial sins, let all who are enamoured of the popular, progressive principle, go and contemplate its natural and necessary fruits in the blackened and blood-stained walls of the fairest cities of Europetheir deserted streets-their closed factories and silent marts of trade— anarchy lingering here-despotism established there-confusion and dismay, and men's hearts failing them every where for fear-and let them see and hear, unless they are blind and deaf, the sure and certain consequence of the spirit of insubordination, and the triumph of those principles which with infatuated blindness and perverseness, many would foster and cherish in our own land. Let them learn of a surety, that into all these scenes of horror, Chartists, democrats, and physical-force men would plunge us if they could; let them bless God that they are Englishmen that notwithstanding all the imaginary evils under which we groan-"our oppressive taxation"-"our unequal laws"-"and the degradation of the majesty and rights of the people"-that there is

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nevertheless no country on earth which enjoys at this moment such a measure of personal freedom and security, of civil and religious liberty, as this their native land, of which many of her ungrateful and misguided sons are wholly unworthy.

But turn we now, II. TO EXAMINE MORE PARTICULARLY THE CAUSES OF THESE THINGS, AND THE ORIGIN OF THIS WIDE-SPREAD

SYSTEM OF REBELLION AND INSUBORDINATION. And here many secondary and immediate causes may be alleged; some will point to an oppressive law, or an impolitic act of a minister of state, unequal taxation, or the oppression of the people-these and many other circumstances may be referred to as bringing matters to a crisis, and producing some emeute, or popular outbreak which has ultimately led to such desperate results. But none of these causes are universal, nor even general; they may be true in one country, but not in another— and they may be selected to suit the complexion of men's views on moral or political economy. But thoughtful persons will not be persuaded that such wide-spread, contemporaneous movements, can have taken place, without the existence of some causes equally general and powerful. Great principles must have been in operation, equal to the magnitude of the results.

And looking at these terrible convulsions with the eye of a believer, who can deny that in all these scenes the hand of God is manifest?— THESE CALAMITIES ARE GOD'S GREAT CONTROVERSY WITH THE NATIONS FOR THEIR SINS. This doctrine, in every view of it, is unpalatable to the men of this world;-and it is fully admitted that great wisdom and caution are necessary in endeavouring to determine what are, and what are not, the chastisement of God for men's sins. We know that in the case of directly physical or natural calamities we are not justified in determining that this or that catastrophe is the punishment of God on individuals for particular sins. Yet, in the moral government of the world, God has not left himself without witness, and moral causes and effects are more directly connected with each other than men in general will allow. Had recent events taken place in cities celebrated for their moral and religious character, abounding in sound, scriptural knowledge, and where the majority took a high and holy course in their daily practice, then we should have been greatly perplexed to account for them. Democracy, revolution, and anarchy, suddenly breaking forth