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SEVENTB SERIES
VOLUME XXXV.

No. 3279 May 11, 1907.

FROM BEGINNING

Vol. COLIII.

III.

IV.

Ву

CONTENTS. 1. Some Reflections on the Colonial Conference. By Viscount Milner, G.C.B.

NATIONAL REVIEW 323 II. Leisurely America. By H. W. Horwill

MONTHLY REVIEW 333 The Enemy's Camp. Chapters VIII, and IX. (To be continued)

MACMILLAN'S MAGAZINE 341 A Plea for the Popular in Literature, By J. A. Spender

NINETEENTH CENTURY AND AFTER 348 V. The Modern Attitude Towards Belief in a future Life,

Samuel McComb, M.A., D.D. LONDON QUARTERLY REVIEW 358 VI. The Peacemakers. By Captain Frank H. Shaw, F.R.A.S.

CHAMBERS'S JOURNAL 368 VII. The Montagnini Disclosures .

SPECTATOR 375 VIII, The Kindling of the Flame

. NATION 378 IX. The Parish Clerk

AOADEMY 381 A PAGE OF VERSE X. A Tiller of the Soil. By Christian Burke .

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PALL MALL MAGAZINE 322 Spring in the Dale. By Augusta Hancock.

322 XII. The Hammers. By Ralph Hodgson

322 XIII. The Calm. By George Ides

SATURDAY REVIEW 322 BOOKS AND AUTHORS

383

XI.

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SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE COLONIAL CONFERENCE.

on

The close approach of what we are political problem which confrouts not still unfortunately compelled to call only the United Kingdom, but all the the “Colonial” Conference is occupy.

members of the Imperial family. ing the thoughts and pens of political That is one of the reasons which make writers of every shade of opinion. it so essential that the Conference And certainly the subject is suffi- should this occasion, before it ciently important and many-sided to breaks up, create some permanent maafford inaterial for them all. In these chinery for carrying on its, work in notes I shall make no attempt to cover the long intervals between its brief the whole ground, or to deal with the and widely separated sessions. more picturesque and personal aspects I have spoken of organic unity as of the Conference. I approach the the object to be arrived at.

Let me subject frankly from the standpoint of define that object more precisely-inan Imperialist whose interest is cen- deed, with the utmost precision of tred in the question how far, if at all, which the circumstances permit. the Conference is going to promote the Some Imperialists, even of the most organie unity of the self-governing thoroughgoing type, are, on grounds of States of the Empire. And in that policy, averse to giving too definite connection-aud this, rather than a shape to their aspirations. They guesses or prophecies, is my principal adopt deliberately a certain diplomatic object-I may attempt briefly to re- nebulousness. Personally I question state the position which we Imperia!. the wisdom of this policy. No doubt ists of the new school hold to-day, and it is impossible at this stage to frame to clear away some of the misunder- a cut-and-dried scheme of Imperial standings which exist with regard to union. But it is one thing to have an it.

open mind about methods, quite anThere can be no doubt that the Con- other to be, or to appear, vaglie and ference will be the occasion of a very hesitating about the end we wish to remarkable display, of friendly feel- attain. In order to convince, to win ing. As far as mere hospitality goes, adherents, to create such a body of nothing will be left undone to make public opinion as can alone give the the gathering a complete success. In necessary impetus to any great enterdeed, the very warmth of the recep. prise of constructive statesmanship, tion which will be accorded to its we must be clear, and must be seen to members, the number of "functions” be clear, with regard to our ultimate they will have to attend, of patriotic object. That is quite consistent with speeches they will have to listen and flexibility-and flexibility in this sense respond to, may materially enhance is essential--in the choice of means; the difficulties, in any case great, with a readiness to take what we can which stand in the way of their ar- get at any given moment, although it riving at any positive results in the se- may fall far short of what we think rious business before them. One of desirable or even ultimately necessary. the chief of these difficulties is the I fancy that the most fervent Imperialwant of time. Three weeks in every ist will be well satisfied if he gets even four years is not nearly time enough a small instalment of what he desires to devote to the solution of the gravest from the present Conference, always

provided that he is able to regard it from 1714 to 1837, &c. &c.--have owed as an instalment, a first step, though allegiance to the same Sovereign. perhaps but a short one, on the road But what at once differentiates the reto his goal.

lation of the States of the Empire to What is the goal? What is it that one another from that of even the we, who call ourselves Imperialists, most closely allied independent States really have in our minds when we talk is the fact that every man of Euroof “the consolidation of the Empire,” pean race who is born under the Britof “Imperial unity," and so forth? It ish flag is entitled ipso facto to full is, I take it, nothing less than this: citizen rights in every State of the that the several States of the Enpire, Empire. This is wholly inconsistent however independent in their local af- with political separateness, and it is fairs, however dissimilar in some of an element of the case which is of their institutions, should get consti- vast importance. tute, for certain purposes, body True it is, and we ought to rejoice at politic; that, in their relations to the the fact, that the great Colonies have rest of the world, they should appear, attained, or are fast attaining, the proand be, a single Power, speaking with portions and dignity of nations, and one voice, acting and ranking as one that they have, as nations, a growing great unit in the society of States. sense of individuality, a character, a

I know that there are some, even pride, and a tradition of their own. among those fervently desiring the But nationhood does not necessarily maximum of common action, who involve a wholly separate and selfthink that this ideal is no longer at- contained existence. There may be, tainable. The great self-governing there are, cases in which several naColonies, they say, are already sepa- tions form a single State, or a Staterate nations. The most we can hope group, possessing political unity. Το for is that they and the Mother Coun- take only one instance which is quite try should reinain permanently allied close to hand, the Scotch are surely ennations. With all due respect, I differ titled to be regarded as a nation. Yet from this view.

they are politically merged with the The idea of alliance is not adequate. English, and merged to a degree which It is not really at all appropriate to the no one contemplates in the case of the circumstances of the case. An al- Canadians or Australians. And if disliance is the voluntary combination of tinct nations can and do constantly wholly distinct and separate States, of form a single body politic, is there any communities which, but for such vol- case in which such union is more easy, untary agreement, would be mụtually more natural, and more likely to prove foreign to one another. That cer- enduring than where the united peotainly is not the relation of the several ples, however various their growth, States of the Empire to one another have still for the most part sprung to-day, nor need it ever become their from a common stock, and possess for relation, however great their individ- the most part a common language and ual growth and development. For, a vast common stock of moral, politiin the first place, they are all subject cal, and social ideas? to one Sovereign. That no doubt is It is indeed difficult to classify what, not in itself conclusive. Over and for want of a better term, we call the over again in history, wholly separate British Empire. It fits into no recogStates-Austria and Spain under nized category, and cannot be accuCharles V., Great Britain and Hanover rately described by means of our ex

isting political vocabulary. We are compacted British Empire has at the face to face with a new situation, with present time. It was the sentiment a relationship of communities which and the desire of unity which made has no precedent in history. To make the mighty political fabric which we it a success we require novel institu- see to-day. German patriotism cre. tions. Even to give an adequate ac- ated the German Empire, and a simicount of it we almost require a novel lar patriotism could surely consolidate terminology. Whoever attempts to our own. describe it is perforce driven to the No doubt we all need to cultivate use of analogy and metaphor. The that patriotism. But in embryo the phrase "a family of States," though feeling of the wider citizenship is allacking in precision, is perhaps best ready there. Only we must not expect calculated to convey a conception cor- it to take, in the case of the younger responding to the facts. It is a family nations, the form of prerogative atof separate households, but with in- tachment to the Mother Country. terests inextricably intermingled, and How often have I heard Colonists use its salvation lies in a family partner- expressions such as this: “We don't ship somewhat similar to one of those understand what you mean when you business partnerships of related talk of our being loyal to England or "houses," situated in different coun- to Great Britain. We think of our tries, which play so great a part in own country first. But we are loyal the world of finance. They each look to the King and to the Empire." There after their own interests, and in a is the whole thing in a nutshell. They sense are independent of one another, have got the idea of the wider patriotyet their intimate relationship and ism, but it is Imperial not British paconstant co-operation, the very practi- triotism. Time was when the great cal"preference" which they give to majority of Colonists still thought and one another, constitute a combination spoke of the Mother Country as of enormous power. A common origiu "home." Now in the vast majority of is at the root of it, the immense mutual cases the land in which they live is advantages which it offers are the ce. "home," whether that land be theirs ment which keeps it together.

by adoption, or, as is the case with an But, metaphor apart, is there any- ever-increasing proportion of their thing impracticable in a twofold citi- number, by birth. Those of them who zenship and a twofold patriotism? are of British race may still have a Every German is familiar with the sentimental affection for the old counidea of a "narrower" and a “wider" try as the land of their fathers. But Fatherland. He is a patriotic Prus- they no longer think of themselves as sian, Saxon, Bavarian, but he is a pa- belonging to it; they own no allegiance triotic German to boot. I can see no to it, they do not feel themselves to greater difficulty for any subject of be citizens of it. When they call the British Crown in feeling a similar themselves British citizens, they are double allegiance_allegiance to his thinking of that greater political unit own country and allegiance to the Em- of which the old country and their pire as a whole. And the example of own country are both alike parts. the Germans is in one respect particu- They are "loyal to the Empire," to the larly instructive. Time was when "wider fatherland" which embraces Germany was little more than a geo- the United Kingdom but is not identigraphical expression, when it had even cal with it or subordinate to it. They less political unity than the loosely cberish the conception of a union in

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