minds of apprehensions of real danger, and it is for the satisfaction of their scruples that this additional security has been suggested.

If, however, any other security can be pointed out, more simple and more satisfactory to the respective parties interested, no person will more cordially rejoice than I shall in such a result, notwithstanding the comparative uselessness of the suggestion contained in this Appeal. Still more perfectly satisfied should I be, were it possible that the Protestant clergy and laity, who are now opposed to the settlement of this question, could be induced to concur with me and other supporters of it, in our view of the solid and substantial security which the discontinuance of religious disabilities, in itself, is calculated to afford. But as those who have practical difficulties to overcome are compelled to deal with things as they are, and not as they might wish to find them, I have felt justified in the suggestion of the security contained in the following pages.

The late Mr. Canning, in the last speech which he made on the Roman Catholic question, (March 6, 1827,) stated, that, in the year 1812, he had adopted a determination, which

no courtesies, no kindnesses, no reproaches, no invectives, had ever since induced him to swerve from; namely, that he would never exchange a word, verbal or written, with any of the parties concerned, on the subject of the Catholic claims. He adverted to one solitary and unimportant exception, and justified his abstinence on the ground of keeping himself clear of the cabals and squabbles which were every day arising out of the discussion of those claims. As a responsible minister, Mr. Canning may have formed a perfectly just decision: but, as an irresponsible individual, I am not bound by the same considerations. I have endeavoured to ascertain the feelings and opinions of Protestant Divines and of Roman Catholic Divines, of lay Roman Catholics, of Protestants favourable to concession, and of Protestants adverse to concession; and I am justified in stating, with reference to the security proposed, that I have found no sort of hesitation in the admission, on the part of Protestants that no security involving such real protection has as yet been coupled with the consideration of the Roman Catholic question.

It will, I trust, be found to be a security calculated to meet the challenge which the Dean of Chester, in his late publication (which has appeared since the text of this Appeal has been printed,) has thrown out to the Roman Catholics: In one word, then, see whether you "can offer us any real and adequate security "for our church, if the boon you ask be granted; or try to find the securities which "we, on our part, may devise, such as you can conscientiously accede to."

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"Letter to an English Layman, on the Coronation Oath," by the Rev. Henry Phillpotts, Rector of Stanhope. London, March, 1828. pp. 179, 180.

PROTESTANT SECURITIES,

&c. &c.

GENTLEMEN,

As a Member of the University of Oxford, I am anxious to address specially to you some considerations on the subject of Protestant Securities as connected with what is commonly called the Roman Catholic Question; and to call your attention to the suggestion of a legislative provision, for preventing any of those dangers to the Protestant Ecclesiastical Establishments of Great Britain and Ireland, and to Protestant interests in the most general sense, which have been apprehended from the admission of Roman Catholics into the two Houses of Parliament.

The extraordinary events which have occurred in the course of the last twelve months in the political world naturally invite the attention of all reflecting men to their possible results; and, as far as our domestic interests are involved, no other question will, in point of importance, admit of a comparison with this. I do not in any degree flinch from the opinion, that it is a measure which never could or ought to be carried, in opposition to any thing like

B

unanimity of Protestant objection; and that it would be most inexpedient for any government to attempt to carry it under such circumstances. It is one with which the views of moderate and educated persons ought to be mainly concurrent. It is indisputable that there are many persons of that class who consider that the concession of the Catholic Claims (as they are called) without real security, would be a matter of very problematical policy. Whenever those persons shall be satisfied that such security may be found, I, for one, cannot doubt of that general concurrence to which I have referred. The practical object, therefore, is, to devise such security as not only ought to satisfy, but would satisfy (without in the slightest degree trenching upon the conscience of the Roman Catholic) a great proportion of that body of Protestants who are now, from conscientious motives, opposed to the measure.

My object, therefore, is to call the attention of the public to a species of security, never yet (as far as I am informed) suggested as a substantive measure, and which, upon no slight authority, appears to me to present precisely that character of security, the absence of which may be shown, by an analysis of parliamentary objections, to have mainly created and confirmed the resistance which has been given to all proposals of Catholic Emancipation. I will now state the nature of that security