payments should be resumed by the end of that period.

"Although the details of the best mode of returning to cash payments ought to be left to the discretion of the Bank of England, as already stated, certain provisions would be necessary under the authority of parliament, both for the convenience of the Bank itself and for the security of the other bank. ing establishments in this country and in Ireland.

"Your committee conceive it may be convenient for the Bank to be permitted to issue notes under the value of 51. for some little time after it had resumed payments in specie.

"It will be convenient also for the chartered banks of Ireland and Scotland, and all the countrybanks, that they should not be compelled to pay in specie until some time after the resumption of payments in cash by the Bank of England; but that they should continue fora short period upon their present footing, of being liable to pay their own notes on demand in Bank of England paper."

The substance of this report was immediately circulated in the newspapers, and a correct edition of the whole was published on the 20th of September. The alarm which this occasioned among the bankers, and the merchants who were accustomed to look to the Bank for discounting their bills, was followed by many failures in mercantile houses in London, as well as of some country banks.

The fifth report of the committee on public expenditure presented to the House of Commons

VOL. LII.

this session, exposes various instances of default and delinquency, in the misapplication and embezzlement of the public money. The committee express their opinion, that great temptation and opportunity to the commission of similar offences are afforded by the loose, inaccurate, and irregular manner in which the accounts were audited; and proceed to inquire how those accounts might be examined in a speedy, regular, and effectual manner. The committee of inquiry commonly do their duty well, and give not only the most important information, but propose the wisest measures for the adoption of the legislature. But they are for the most part suffered to lie on the table as merely so much dead letter: yet this is not always the case. On the 23rd of May Mr. Calcraft moved, that the twelfth report of the commissioners of military inquiry be read. This being done, he stated,that notwithstanding the act that had passed torestrict thetreasureroftheordnance from drawing on the Bank, unless for the public, Mr. Hunt, a member of that House, the late treasurer, had drawn on the Bank, in the names of persons who were connected with the ordnance, 10,000l. nearly the whole of which he owed to the public. He was sorry to say, that many similar occurrences had not been taken notice of by the House. should mention only that of gen. Delancey, who was indebted to the public 100,000l. and yet possessed the rank and pay of a general in the service. By such things the public feelings were in

He

sulted. He concluded by moving the following resolution: "That Joseph Hunt, esq. late treasurer, had been guilty of a violation of the act of the 46th of his Majesty, for regulating the office of treasurer of the ordnance, and of misapplying certain sums of public money whilst he held that office :" which was agreed to nem.con. He then moved, "That for the said offences Joseph Hunt, esq. be expelled this House." This resolution was also agreed to nem. con.*

This session was passed what was called the Embezzlement Bill; which was brought into the House of Commons by sir John Newport. A collector had absconded with 27,000l. of the public money in his hands, and had afterwards been taken with 7,000%. of it in his possession. In that case, if the clerk of the collector had been guilty, he would have suffered death. But as the law at present stood, no adequate punishment could be inflicted on the principal, and therefore the law officers had not thought it desirable to proceed against him. It was to remedy this glaring defect in law that sir John Newport brought forward the Embezzlement bill.--Mr.Rose observed, that gentlemen of respectability would not be desirous of engaging in the public service in places of great trust, with the penalty of transportation hanging over them, as would be the case if this bill were to pass. Sir John

Newport said, when he considered that the right honourable gentleman must have been a party to the passing of a bill imposing the penalty of death on the clerk or cashier of a banker for embezzlement; and also to the act for rendering it a transportable offence to shoot, ensnare, or kill a deer in a close, park, or paddock, he could not help admiring his tender sensibility on an occasion where the son or brother of a great man might be affected. But it was the duty of the House to mete out equal justice to all; to have but one and the same law for the rich and for the poor. Could they forget the cases of Mr. Villiers+ and Mr. Hunt, as well as others which had recently occurred,and reflect onthe consequences of such cases remaining unpunished, and yet think the punishment of transportation too severe forthe crime of fraudulentlyembezzling or making use of the public money? It would be for a jury to determine what was the embezzlement.

The Solicitor-general observed, that at present the embezzlement of public money was punishable by unlimited fine and imprisonment, and even pillory, while at the same time all his property, his person also, and all the property of his sureties, were subject to the writs of extent for the security of the debt due to the public. By the present measure, however, supposing a public defaulter to flee

the country, not only the property of his securities, but even any estates he himself might leave be-, hind him might be free, as the debt must merge in the felony.Sir Samuel Romilly said, that this,

which was indeed a great objection, might be obviated by leaving out the word felony. So thought the chancellor of the Exchequer. The bill, with this and some other amendments, was passed.

House, but ascertained that, with a view to the independence of parliament, persons holding offices without responsibility should not be suffered to have seats in that House. On these grounds he brought forward his present motion; and he trusted the House would give it all the attention it deserved. Of one thing he was sure, that they must either have a temperate reform, or a military government. However partial he might be to his own plan, his intention was, in the first instance, to move for a committee, in which it might undergo a vigilant revision, and he would have an opportunity of adopting any amend ments that might be recommended. He concluded by moving, "That a Committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the representation of the people in parliament, and of the most efficacious means of rendering it more complete, and to report the same, with their observations thereupon, to the House."

After a long debate, in which the usual arguments were urged pro and con, the motion was lost by a great majority.

Ayes 115; Noes 234. Before the question was put, Mr. Brand, after replying to certain arguments against his plan, declared, that whatever the fate of his motion might be, on the present occasion, he should think it his duty to bring it forward again and again.

Another great standing question was submitted to the House of Commons on the 13th of May; when a motion was made by Mr. Grattan, for a committee to consider the Roman Catholic petitions.

He stated his intention to rest his motion on two grounds, the domestic nomination of Catholic bishops, and the civil capacities oftheIrish Catholics.--Mr.Grattan on this, as on former occasions of discussing the same, or other great questions, displayed the utmost precision and subtlety of argument, energy of language, and sublimity of eloquence. He is the most accomplished English orator within the memory of the present age: the great earl of Chatham not excepted. He is clear, concise, fervent, and rapid. He gives edge to his speeches by metaphysical acumen, and sublimity by the stores of learning; and above all by connecting the affairs of earth with the laws and providence of heaven. His speech, on the present occasion, was well arranged, and animated throughout; the following are a few specimens. The charges against Catholics, that they hold the doctrine of no faith with heretics; that the Pope is infallible, and has a power to absolve from moral obligation, &c. &c. &c. he refuted by three arguments, the last of which was, that the truth of the charges was impossible. "For," said Mr. Grattan, "they amount to a criminality which would have rendered the Catholic incapable of civil government, or foreign relationship. It amounts to a transfer of allegiance, and a dissolution of the elements of human society. The existence of society and of government in Catholic nations, is the practical answer. But there is another answer more authoritative and conclusive. The charge is irreconcileable to the truth of the Christian religion. It supposes