tions, standards of life, and inherent love of liberty which we call Anglo-Saxon civilization. We defeated her once upon the land and once upon the sea. But Australia, New Zealand, Africa, and Canada are free because of what we did. And they are with us in the fight for the freedom of the seas.

Because of Russia New Russia. She must not be overwhelmed now. Not now, surely, when she is just born

into freedom. Her peasants must have their chance; they 10 must go to school to Washington, to Jefferson, and to Lin

coln until they know their way about in this new, strange world of government by the popular will.

Because of other peoples, with their rising hope that the world may be freed from government by the soldier. 15

We are fighting Germany because she sought to terrorize us and then to fool us. We could not believe that Germany would do what she said she would do upon the seas.

We still hear the piteous cries of children coming up out of the sea where the Lusitania went down. And Germany 20 has never asked forgiveness of the world.

We saw the Sussex sunk, crowded with the sons and daughters of neutral nations.

We saw ship after ship sent to the bottom – ships of mercy bound out of America for the Belgian starving; 25 ships carrying the Red Cross and laden with the wounded

of all nations; ships carrying food and clothing to friendly, harmless, terrorized peoples; ships flying the Stars and Stripes sent to the bottom hundreds of miles from shore,

manned by American seamen, murdered against all law, 30 without warning.

We believed Germany's promise that she would respect the neutral flag and the rights of neutrals, and we held our anger and outrage in check. But now we see that she was

holding us off with fair promises until she could build her 35 huge fleet of submarines. For when spring came she blew

her promise into the air, just as at the beginning she had

torn up that “scrap of paper.” Then we saw clearly that there was but one law for Germany - her will to rule.

We are fighting Germany because she violated our confidence. Paid German spies filled our cities. Officials of her Government, received as the guests of this Nation, 5 lived with us to bribe and terrorize, defying our law and the law of nations.

We are fighting Germany because while we were yet her friends the only great power that still held hands off she sent the Zimmermann note, calling to her aid Mexico, 10 our southern neighbor, and hoping to lure Japan, our western neighbor, into war against this Nation of peace.

The nation that would do these things proclaims the gospel that government has no conscience. And this doctrine cannot live, or else democracy must die.

For the 15 nations of the world must keep faith. There can be no living for us in a world where the state has no conscience, no reverence for the things of the spirit, no respect for international law, no mercy for those who fall before its force. What an unordered world! Anarchy! The anarchy of 20 rival wolf packs !

We are fighting Germany because in this war feudalism is making its last stand against on-coming democracy. We see it now. This is a war against an old spirit, an ancient, outworn spirit. It is a war against feudalism right of the castle on the hill to rule the village below. It is a war for democracy the right of all to be their own masters. Let Germany be feudal if she will, but she must not spread her system over the world that has outgrown it. Feudalism plus science, thirteenth century plus twen- 30 tieth this is the religion of the mistaken Germany that has linked itself with the Turk; that has, too, adopted the method of Mahomet. “The state has no conscience." “The state can do no wrong. With the spirit of the fanatic she believes this gospel and that it is her duty to spread 3.5 it by force. With poison gas that makes living a hell,

the 25

with submarines that sneak through the seas to slyly murder noncombatants, with dirigibles that bombard men and women while they sleep, with a perfected system of terrorization that the modern world first heard of when German 5 troops entered China, German feudalism is making war upon mankind. Let this old spirit of evil have its way and no man will live in America without paying toll to it in manhood and money. This spirit might demand Canada

from a defeated, navyless England, and then our dream of 10 peace on the north would be at an end. We would live, as France has lived for forty years, in haunting terror.

America speaks for the world in fighting Germany. Mark on a map those countries which are Germany's allies and you will mark but four,

running from the Baltic through 15 Austria and Bulgaria to Turkey. All the other nations

the whole globe around are in arms against her or are unable to move. There is deep meaning in this. We fight with the world for an honest world in which nations

keep their word, for a world in which nations do not 20 live by swagger or by threat, for a world in which men

think of the ways in which they can conquer the common cruelties of nature instead of inventing more horrible cruelties to inflict upon the spirit and body of

man, for a world in which the ambition or the philosophy 25 of a few shall not make miserable all mankind, for a world

in which the man is held more precious than the machine, the system, or the state.


By The World's Work. (NOVEMBER, 1917) THERE is a photograph recently published of a column of American soldiers crossing the Thames with the Houses 30 of the British Parliament in the background. These sol

diers are part of the American Army gone to Europe to


fight for political liberty against autocracy. The British Parliament is the mother of modern political liberty, and the larger part of its history belongs as much to those American troops and to the rest of us as it does to the people who live in England. From the time of Magna Charta 5 in 1215 to 1775 we worked out the advance of free institutions together. Since that time we have worked them out separately but along parallel lines. Both nations have considered political liberty as the most vital tenet of existence and both have struggled to increase it at home 10 and extend it abroad. Great Britain has extended a helping hand to the liberal movements in Europe, and we have, under the Monroe Doctrine, guaranteed the opportunity for the people of the Americas to develop their own institutions free from attack by autocracy.

In his celebrated pronouncement Monroe let it be known that any attack by autocracy on free institutions in this hemisphere would be met by the armed forces of the United States. When he told the world this decision Monroe knew that he could count on the coöperation of the British 20 fleet in enforcing it. The exponents of autocracy at that time knew it, too. And since then every ambitious autocrat has known that if he reached his hand toward the Western Hemisphere it meant the American Army and Navy in front of him and the British fleet behind him and none has tried.

But in 1914 the Kaiser did not know that Great Britain and the United States would come to the defense of political liberty in Europe. He thought that England would stay neutral. He was sure that the United States was so 30 afraid of entangling alliances that it would rather see him crush political liberty in Europe than move a hand to defend it. But he was wrong. Liberty is not an ideal that admits of geographical limitations, and autocracy is the kind of beast that must be killed in its lair if even distant 35 regions are to be safe. But the Kaiser did not know that


Such a

an attack on liberty in Europe meant war by all democracies. If there had been a doctrine of the immunity of liberty in Europe like the Monroe Doctrine here, announced with the same vigor and supported by the same s liberal forces, it is doubtful if the Kaiser would have embarked on war. If after this war there is such a doctrine, it is doubtful if the Kaiser can have a successor. doctrine the common and immediate defense of polit

ical freedom by every liberal country - has not been 10 announced in words; but when the American troops

passed Westminster on their way to France they set the seal of action on a Monroe Doctrine of the world — a union of the Anglo-Saxon and other liberal powers for the defense of democracy.


BY WOODROW Wilson. (1917) 15 GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS: Eight months have

elapsed since I last had the honor of addressing you. They have been months crowded with events of immense and grave significance for us. I shall not undertake to

retail or even summarize those events. The practical 20 particulars of the part we have played in them will be laid

before you in the reports of the Executive Departments. I shall discuss only our present outlook upon these vast affairs, our present duties, and the immediate means of accomplishing the objects we shall hold always in view.

I shall not go back to debate the causes of the war. The intolerable wrongs done and planned against us by the sinister masters of Germany have long since become too grossly obvious and odious to every true American to need

to be rehearsed. But I shall ask you to consider again and 30 with a very grave scrutiny our objectives and the measures

by which we mean to attain them; for the purpose of dis


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