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set the greed of envy against the greed of arrogance, and thereby destroy the material well-being of all of us. To turn this Government either into government by a plutocracy or government by a mob would be to repeat on a larger scale the lamentable failures of the world that is 5 dead. We stand against all tyranny, by the few or by
We stand for the rule of the many in the interest of all of us, for the rule of the many in a spirit of courage, of common sense, of high purpose, above all in a spirit of kindly justice towards every man and every 10
We not merely admit, but insist, that there must be self-control on the part of the people, that they must keenly perceive their own duties as well as the rights of others; but we also insist that the people can do nothing unless they not merely have, but exercise to the full 15 their own rights. The worth of our great experiment depends upon its being in good faith an experiment the first that has ever been tried -- in true democracy on the scale of a continent, on a scale as vast as that of the mightiest empires of the Old World. Surely this is a 20 noble ideal, an ideal for which it is worth while to strive, an ideal for which at need it is worth while to sacrifice much; for our ideal is the rule of all the people in a spirit of friendliest brotherhood towards each and every one of the people.
THE INTERNATIONAL MIND °
By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER. (1912) The international mind is nothing else than that habit of thinking of foreign relations and business, and that habit of dealing with them, which regard the several nations of the civilized world as friendly and coöperating equals in aiding the progress of civilization, in develop- 30 ing commerce and industry, and in spreading enlightenment and culture throughout the world.
POLITICAL ROUTINEER AND INVENTOR °
By WALTER LIPPMANN. (1913) For while statesmen are pottering along doing the same thing year in, year out, putting up the tariff one year and down the next, passing appropriation bills and recodifying laws, the real forces in the country do not stand still. 5 Vast changes, economic and psychological, take place,
and these changes demand new guidance. But the routineers are always unprepared. It has become one of the grim trade jokes of innovators that the one thing
you can count upon is that the rulers will come to think so that they are the apex of human development. For a
queer effect of responsibility on men is that it makes them try to be as much like machines as possible. All government becomes rigid when it is too successful, and only
defeat seems to give it new life. Success makes men 15 rigid and they tend to exalt stability over all the other
virtues; tired of the effort of willing they become fanatics about conservatism.
But conditions change whether statesmen wish them to or not; society must have new institutions to fit new 20 wants, and all that rigid conservatism can do is to make
the transitions difficult. Violent revolutions may be charged up to the unreadiness of statesmen. It is because they will not see, or cannot see, that feudalism is dead,
that chattel slavery is antiquated; it is because they 25 have not the wisdom and the audacity to anticipate these
great social changes; it is because they insist upon standing pat that we have French Revolutions and Civil
We need a new sense of political values. These times 30 require a different order of thinking. We cannot expect
to meet our problems with a few inherited ideas, uncriticised assumptions, a foggy vocabulary, and a machine
philosophy. Our political thinking needs the infusion of contemporary insights. The enormous vitality that is regenerating other interests can be brought into the service of politics. Our primary care must be to keep the habits of the mind flexible and adapted to the move- 5 ment of real life. The only way to control our destiny is to work with it. In politics, at least, we stoop to conquer. There is no use, no heroism, in butting against the inevitable, yet nothing is entirely inevitable. There is always some opportunity for human direction.
THE MEANING OF THE FLAG °
By WOODROW Wilson. (JUNE, 1915) FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: I know of nothing more difficult than to render an adequate tribute to the emblem of our nation. For those of us who have shared that nation's life and felt the beat of its pulse it must be considered a matter of impossibility to express the great 15 things which that emblem embodies. I venture to say that a great many things are said about the flag which very few people stop to analyze. For me the flag does not express a mere body of vague sentiment.
The flag of the United States has not been created by rhetorical 20 sentences in declarations of independence and in bills of rights. It has been created by the experience of a great people, and nothing is written upon it that has not been written by their life. It is the embodiment, not of a sentiment, but of a history, and no man can rightly serve 25 under that flag who has not caught some of the meaning of that history.
Experience, ladies and gentlemen, is made by men and women. National experience is the product of those who do the living under that flag. It is their living that has created its significance. You do not create the meaning
of a national life by any literary exposition of it, but by the actual daily endeavors of a great people to do the tasks of the day and live up to the ideals of honesty and righteousness and just conduct. And as we think of these things, s our tribute is to those men who have created this experience. Many of them are known by name to all the world - statesmen, soldiers, merchants, masters of industry, men of letters and of thought who have coined our hearts into action or into words. Of these men we feel that they have shown us the way. They have not been afraid to go before. They have known that they were speaking the thoughts of a great people when they led that great people along the paths of achievement.
There was not a single swashbuckler among them. They 15 were men of sober, quiet thought, the more effective be
cause there was no bluster in it. They were men who thought along the lines of duty, not along the lines of selfaggrandizement. They were men, in short, who thought of the people whom they served and not of themselves.
But while we think of these men and do honor to them as to those who have shown us the way, let us not forget that the real experience and life of a nation lies with the great multitude of unknown men.
It lies with those men whose names are never in the headlines of newspapers, 25 those men who know the heat and pain and desperate loss
of hope that sometimes comes in the great struggle of daily life; not the men who stand on the side and comment, not the men who merely try to interpret the great
struggle, but the men who are engaged in the struggle. 30 They constitute the body of the nation. This flag is the
essence of their daily endeavors. This flag does not express any more than what they are and what they desire to be.
As I think of the life of this great nation it seems to me 35 that we sometimes look to the wrong places for its sources.
We look to the noisy places, where men are talking in the
market place; we look to where men are expressing their individual opinions; we look to where partisans are expressing passions; instead of trying to attune our ears to that voiceless mass of men who merely go about their daily tasks, try to be honorable, try to serve the people s they love, try to live worthy of the great communities to which they belong. These are the breath of the nation's nostrils; these are the sinews of its might.
How can any man presume to interpret the emblem of the United States, the emblem of what we would fain be 10 among the family of nations, and find it incumbent upon us to be in the daily round of routine duty? This is Flag Day, but that only means that it is a day when we are to recall the things which we should do every day of our lives. There are no days of special patriotism. There 15 are no days when we should be more patriotic than on other days. We celebrate the Fourth of July merely because the great enterprise of liberty was started on the fourth of July in America, but the great enterprise of liberty was not begun in America. It is illustrated by the blood of 20 thousands of martyrs who lived and died before the great experiment on this side of the water. The Fourth of July merely marks the day when we consecrated ourselves as a nation to this high thing which we pretend to serve. The benefit of a day like this is merely in turning away 25 from the things that distract us, turning away from the things that touch us personally and absorb our interest in the hours of daily work. We remind ourselves of those things that are greater than we are, of those principles by which we believe our hearts to be elevated, of the more 30 difficult things that we must undertake in these days of perplexity when a man's judgment is safest only when it follows the line of principle.
I am solemnized in the presence of such a day. I would not undertake to speak your thoughts. You must inter-35 pret them for me. But I do feel that back, not only of