For who would see his country overthrown? "T was duty urged him to the fight, To guard the fireside from the foul invader's blight. XIII. But love of murderous war, The scent of blood from far, The lust of conquest and avenging pride, And rapture of the strife These to the Right are not indeed allied: On these the Gospel precepts frown All these condemned by HIM who bore the thorny crown. XIV. "The pomp and circumstance" Thy citadel of glory too is here: And yet, a resolute band, And in our panoply complete appear: Driver A. (to Cad A.) Now, Bill, where is she for? Driver B. (to Cad B.) Shove her in, Jim. What's up? at Cad A. Where for, ma'am? Cad B. That's us, ma'am-He don't go there- [Seizes Unprotected Female; terrific struggle, in which the Unprotected Female is a good deal fought over, and reduced to a state bordering on imbecility. Cad A. (whipping her on to his step.) Now, ma'am, here you are Passenger in 'bus A. We are quite full- Cad A. Lots of room atwix' the stout gent and the old 'ooman. All right! [Drives Unprotected Female violently into the lap of Crusty Bank Clerk, on his way to dinner. Crusty Bank Clerk. How dare you, woman! Unprotected Female. Oh, gracious goodness! And our good sword of TRUTH is flashing on thine Keep off, do; you wretch! eye! XV. We preach a new crusade The cross of Christ displayed By every soldier of the holy band;— Not emblem on the vest, But goodness in the breast, And deeds of love performed by every hand : XVI. In our assembly free We quail not at the embattled hosts of foes; As sure as Truth is Light, Our arms shall win the fight, For Error cannot stand Truth's sturdy blows; Incommoded Foreigner. Dere is not any of room, madame. Indignant Capitalist. Shameful! Cad A. All right! Here's your things. [The rest of the sentence is jerked back out of his Cad A. (to Driver A., with grin, over the top of 'bus.) Werry. (Peeps into 'bus. To Driver.) They 're a shakin' down wisibly. Crusty Bank Clerk. People should n't come into public conveyances when there is no accommodation. Unprotected Female. Oh! I didn't come in-I was forced to-If you could, please, let me off the bird-cage. Oh! who has been a-top of my canary? Incommoded Foreigner (with much politeness.) Comme ça, madame. How you feel? Nevare mind for my leg. C'est-ça. Unprotected Female (with a gush of thankfulness.) Oh, thank you, sir, I'm sure. (Looking indignantly at Bank Clerk and Capitalist.) I'll thank you not to destroy my plant, sir-if you please. [Snatches at the pot, and in so doing drives the plant, which is of a stiff and prickly order, into the mouth, nose and eyes, of Capitalist. Capitalist. Will you have done, ma'am, with your infernal vegetables! Bank Clerk. How such things are allowed to be brought into public conveyances is wonderful! Indignant Capitalist (to Cad.) I tell you, sir, we've fifteen inside-and that is n't a baby in arms. (Pointing to a stout youth of 6, whom his mother got passed into 'bus under above title.) I'll have you pulled up, sir. Cad A. (darting his head into door and nearly flattening Capitalist's face.) Sloane Street! Unprotected Female. Eh! (Screams.) Here(Struggling for her bandbox, flower-pot, toy-horse, umbrella, all at once.) Oh-I want to go to the bank-Let me out! Let me out! Capitalist. Thank goodness, she 's gone! Sententious Passenger. The majority of women seem to think all omnibuses go to the bank every journey, either way. Cad A. Now, ma'am, look sharp! Driver. Now, Bill-look alive-one would think you was a picking them out with a pin, like winkles. icule! Cad A. Now, ma'am. Bank Clerk. You don't think your confounded reticule 's in my boots, do you? Incommoded Foreigner (with good-humored satisfaction.) Ah-ha-voici-madame. ting on. Unprotected Female. Oh, thank you, sir, I'm sure. Here, (Dashes her hand into reticule, and extracts coppers from all corners,) thruppence. Driver of Opposition. Now then, stoopid. Cabman (ferociously.) Yah! (Shouts.) Where are you a-drivin' to? Unprotected Female (escapes with difficulty to footpavement, and sinks exhausted in agony, on her pile of luggage. To Policeman, imploringly.) Oh! when will there be anything to the bank? Policeman. One just passed, ma'am. Unprotected Female (rushing back into centre of road.) Hoy! ho! Oh, stop him, some one, please -do. I want to go to the bank. [Exit running violently, to the danger of her life. and neglect of her luggage-Her cries become fainter and fainter. Ragged little boy ap proaches luggage carefully. Policeman thoughtfully withdraws on the other side. Slow music. Scene closes. DEER.-The deer is the most acute animal we possess, and adopts the most sagacious plans for the triumph with his foot on the breast of the antlered Inverness Courier. IVORY.-At the quarterly meeting of the Geo[Holds up reticule, which he seems to have been sit-logical and Polytechnic Society of the West Riding of Yorkshire, held in the Guildhall in Doncaster, on Wednesday last, Earl Fitzwilliam in the chair, Mr. Dalton of Sheffield read a paper on "ivory as an article of manufacture." The value of the annual consumption in Sheffield was about £30,000, and about 500 persons were employed in working it up for trade. The number of tusks to make up the weight consumed in Sheffield, about 180 tons, was 45,000. According to this, the number of elephants killed every year was 22,500; but supposing that some tusks were cast, and some animals died, it might be fairly estimated that 18,000 were killed for the purpose.-Yorkshire Gazette. Cad A. Thruppence, ma'am, no ma'am. Thruppence all the way? Sixpence to Sloane street. (Makes a grab at her handful of coppers.) That's it, ma'am all right-Joe, (with rapid change,) here 's Jack Saunders. Driver. All right! We'll melt him. From the Examiner, 10 Nov. LOUIS NAPOLEON HIS OWN MASTER. LOUIS Napoleon's sudden turning out of such men as Odilon Barrot, Dufaure, and Tocqueville, promised to be the commencement of one of the most interesting chapters in French history. People applied themselves to the perusal of the development of that incident with no little promise of interest. Great has been the disappointment, irresistible the ennui. The chapter expected to be so full of excitement, turns out dead as ditch water. One might have been tired of the old personages, weary enough of the Barrots and Dufaures; but, after all, they were much more respected than the Rouhers and the Hautpouls, and quite as amusing. What was the change made for? If it was meant to show that any sticks would fill the posts of ministers, as well as the gentlemen ejected, and that neither talent nor principle were required for the service, that reason certainly was a good and solid one. But it is difficult to see the profit to the president of having gone through such a demon stration. The result of the change has been, as we observed, no change whatever in the policy of the government, either towards Rome or towards Russia, or with respect to the home government and appointments. But one considerable result has been produced, and this is the re-constitution of the moderate republican party. It had been broken up by M. Dufaure's acceptance of office in a ministry of which the majority was anti-republican. The turning out of M. Dufaure has, however, enabled Cavaignac to reconstitute the old republican club, and to rally to it already many who held aloof before. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, for example, and the moderate members of the provisional government who so fiercely denounced Cavaignac for tripping them up, have now been reconciled to him. And thus by degrees a large and formidable body, in constitutional opposition, will be formed, to resist the reactionists, and to oppose the reelection of Louis Napoleon himself, should he remain, as he shows every symptom of doing, amongst the ultras. The president tried to prevent this, by giving office to M. Duclerc, who in the first surprise gladly accepted it. But should M. Duclerc, remain in M. d'Hautpoul's cabinet, it will mark his own defection, not the adhesion of his party. On Wednesday this new party made trial of its power, and voted for the nullification of Falloux's education bill. It succeeded by 307 votes against 303. What will M. Barrot do? is a very general question. Get himself cured of a very bad disorder, under which he is at present laboring, must be received as a quite sufficient answer. No one has been more put out by the change than M. Thiers. A full explanation of this would lead us into far too many particularities and details; but we have no doubt that Louis Napoleon was driven to his somewhat precipitate act by the cool contempt which M. Thiers displayed towards him in his report on the affairs of Rome-a con or tempt which the president soon prepared to return by some heavy blows. These blows are not yet stricken. M. Thiers' friends retain their posts of Their continuing to do so, profit and influence. not, will mark the schism or the reconciliation. The president's personal policy has, however, The yet to be tested by the news from Rome. last news from South Italy was, that the Pope, delighted with the debate in the National Assembly, and its results, was about to return to Rome. His holiness, however, will certainly change or defer his purpose, as soon as he learns the fate of his friends Tocqueville and Barrot. thor of the letter to Colonel Ney in uncontrolled authority over French affairs, and over the army in Rome, the Pope, or rather the Pope's council, may entertain feelings of doubt and of mistrust, which even the appointment of an imbecile ditto of Oudinot, Baraguay D'Hilliers, may not be able to dispel. With the au Louis Napoleon, master of his own cabinet, as of Rome, cannot but insist on some apparent adop tion of the conditions of his famous letter. He cannot pass them over like M. Thiers, or smother them like M. Barrot. The president's character and consistency are now at stake. They have no cover, he no excuse. By his manner of dealing with Rome will his presidentship be judged, and he himself go down to posterity as a man of his word, or a charlatan. THE HUNGARIAN EXILES. IN our town edition of last week we made the subjoined announcement : that the terms and conditions on which the Russian There is no longer, we believe, reason to doubt czar has withdrawn his claim to the extradition of the Hungarian refugees, are most discreditable to the ministry of the sultan, and such as all civilized governments ought to take active measures to defeat and render nugatory. The sultan has engaged to send Kossuth, Dembinski, and the leaders of the late civil war, to the remotest part of the interior of the Turkish empire, and to provide an efficient surveillance to prevent their removal or escape during the term of their lives. The rest of the refugees (comprising the great bulk of those now encamped at Widden) are to receive the benefits of the amnesty, and to return to the Austrian empire. This announcement has but to be made author itatively, (which it will be, as we believe, without delay,) to raise an indignant outcry from one side of Europe to the other. There is not an inhabitant of a free state, in any civilized land, who is not directly interested in the question thus raised, and bound to use all the means within his power to defeat so gross and unprecedented an outrage on the common rights of peoples and nations. No further notice was taken of the matter until Wednesday, when the Daily News published several letters from Widden, expressed its belief that Russia had demanded the imprisonment of the Hungarian leaders, and protested against the concession of a demand so degrading to Turkey. We will not believe the possibility of anything so infamous being perpetrated. We may, we think, fairly rely upon the generous energies of the British government being exerted, and upon Lord Palmerston being not wanting to his known sympathy and proverbial spirit on an occasion such as this, in which he is sustained by the unmistakable and unswerving support of the British public. The Times kept silence until yesterday (Friday) afternoon, when, in a second edition, its correspondent at Vienna was "enabled to inform it" of the announcement made in the Examiner a week before. My letter of the 21st of October communicated the important intelligence that the Emperor of Russia had consented to withdraw his claim for the extradition of his subjects who were implicated by the Hungarian rebellion. I am at present enabled to inform you that the matter is definitively concluded, the Porte having pledged itself to keep in safe custody, in one or more of the Turkish fortresses, all those refugees whose names may be mentioned by the Russian and Austrian governments, and immediately to banish the others-probably with the exception of those who may in the mean time have embraced the Mahometan religion-from the Turkish territories. Of course this probably authentic news completely confutes all the ridiculous reports, according to which, Kossuth and some of his colleagues are already on their way to join Messrs. Pulsky and Teleky in England. ments, well knowing, as they do, that the cost of the land and sea forces exhausts the financial resources, which are the real sinews of war? Since the Peace, upon a round calculation, we have expended at the very least 400,000,000l., or half the amount of the national debt, in soldiers and sailors. Now, let us suppose for a moment that we had saved that money-with our burdens so much lightened, with our finances prosperous and flourishing, should we be more or less pacific than we are now? We apprehend that we should be much less pacific; nay more, that we should be extremely bellicose, and prompt to quarrel, knowing that we could afford it. Having waxed fat we should be apt to kick. As has often been said, the debt binds us over to our good behavior, and the large expenditure for army and navy keeps us from emerging from the debt, which is so pacific in its effects. If this be true, to see practically a Peace Congress we should go to a review, the real securities against war being the expenditure of the means of carrying it on in peace. As the nurses teach the children, you cannot eat your cake and have your cake; so you cannot eat up fourteen millions a year in soldiers and sailors, and have the millions at command without which you cannot wage war. It should follow from this that governments are indisposed for war in proportion to the magnitude of their armaments, and that they may increase their forces till they become as passive, tame, and placable as Quakers. Is this so, or is it not? Which is the nation in the world which has best husbanded its resources? Which is the nation that has the smallest army and fleet in proportion to its power, and which also is the nation that is the quickest to take, ay, and to make, offence; the most sensiIf Turkey has yielded to this infamous demand, tive, not to say touchy, as to every point of honor ; it is, to Kossuth and his friends, the substitution the most tenacious in standing on all its rights, to of a lingering death for one more merciful. But the uttermost point; the most peremptory in pressmore than this. It is, on the part of Turkey her- ing its claims, the most disposed to "the word self, a refusal to play the part of hangman's pro-and the blow," when hurried into quarrel? Every vider for the greater enjoyment of playing the part one answers, the United States. Remember how of hangman. they overran Mexico, mark how they bundled off Turkey, if it be true, takes rank as a state- the French minister the other day, observe in all dungeon of Russia. Reports of humane or civilized conduct in connection with Austria and Russia, may, with perfect propriety, be thought "ridiculous." But however "authentic" the more congenial tidings of barbarity and inhumanity may be, we must more than doubt if they will find favor with the English people, or countenance from the English government. differences how haughty and peremptory, not to But it is impossible that such atrocity can be say domineering, their tone is, and this without permitted. No country can have the right to fleets and armies, and because what fleets and make such a demand, no independent country can armies cost they have got in reserve in their pockbe subjected to the inexpressible baseness of conets. On the other hand, see how pacific France ceding it. The privilege which is claimed be- is with half a million of men in arms to pay, and tween states, in special circumstances, to "inter-so averse from war, even in the justest and most ner" political exiles, was never in any circum-politic course, that even the Russian invasion of stances held to justify their absolute detention, or Turkey would not, it is thought, have moved her perpetual imprisonment. The duty of prompt interference, in such case, rests with governments interested in humane and civilized usage, and its immediate exercise, in the present instance, is imperatively called for.-Ibid. From the Examiner, 10 Nov. THE MOST EFFECTUAL SECURITIES FOR PEACE. SHOULD the most ardent lovers of peace desire the reduction of the military and naval establish to any step beyond protest; and that M. Thiers is reported to have declared, that not for scores of such questions as that involving the rights of nations and of humanity, involved in the dispute between the Czar and the Sultan, would he consent to plunging France into a war. Russia swaggers and plays the bully, but has she more appetite for war than France; in other words, has she more resources for it? Little, if any. She, like other over-armed powers, according to the homely proverb, eat the calf in the cow's assuredly, in the meanwhile, not one of the three belly. The common plea, then, for armaments, that preparation for war is the best security for peace, is false in the sense in which it is used, but true in the sense we have endeavored to explain. The constant preparation for war is attended with a weakness favorable to peace. It is as if each government had bled itself down to the condition disabling and indisposing for violence. Each is in an exhausting attitude which it conceits one of strength, but which in truth is but the expenditure of strength. Rabelais tells us of a nation which perished of keeping watch and ward; it had an opinion that the moon was in danger from the wolves, and it built up lunatic defences, lofty towers on which an incessant look-out was kept, the effect of which perpetual vigilance was that the people were worn out by exhaustion. Every continental nation has a moon in danger, and vast lunar muniments. The consequence is such a drain and enfeeblement that none can pluck up spirit for war. And yet peace associations, with Mr. Cobden at their head, inveigh against these armaments, and call for the diminution of them. Why, if they would utterly Quakerize the country, they should demand that the forces by land and sea should be doubled or trebled, and we warrant it, the government of Great Britain would be as still and timorous and insignificant as a mouse in the affairs of the world in another five years or so. To reduce England to the most powerless state for good or for ill, let her be overarmed like Sancho Panza, when clad in mail for the defence of his island, and, unable to move hand or foot, cast down and trampled on by all about him. They, then, who are for peace at all price should be for peace at the price of large military establishments, which leave no margin for war. The surest security for peace is the inability for war, and the inability for war is most certainly brought about by wasteful expenditure; and to pay for an excess of arms when they are not wanted is the most infallible method of guarding against having them when they may be wanted. From the Examiner, 10th Nov. CANADIAN ANNEXATION. THE question of annexation to the United States is mooted in Canada, and a Manifesto has been published, variously stated as being signed by 350 and by 1200 persons, of all political parties. The leaders, however, seem to be the old tories, who, soured by loss of power, and by commercial difficulties which they have only shared with the rest of the empire, have suddenly turned round and become republicans, as a cure for all the ills their flesh has been subjected to. This is, as if our own agricultural protectionists were, for the nonce, to become good democrats-because out of place, and because wheat was at 42s. a quarter, and meat at 4d. a pound. parties interested in the question is ripe for it. The pride and prejudices of the English nation are unquestionably against it. Three hundred and fifty signatures in its favor, or twice three hundred and fifty, are no proof that it is desired by a population of two millions of colonists. Then, the whole southern states of the American Union are against the measure to a man. There is no chance, whatever, then, of its being carried, or even making any considerable progress, just now. Some of the grounds on which annexation is argued by the writers of the Manifesto, are futile, and indeed, absurd. The abolition of protection on the part of Great Britain, deeply deplored by these sons of freedom, is to be remedied by the protection afforded by the Great Republic. At the very moment that the subscribers are attaching their signatures, the main portion of this ground is cut away from under their feet by the abolition of the American Navigation Laws. On every load of timber which the Canadians import into the United Kingdom, they have, down to this hour, a protective duty of 5s., equal to one-fourth part of the whole tax on foreign timber. This, of course, they would lose by annexation; nor would they have protection, under the laws of the Union, from any timber whatsoever that it was possible to bring into competition with them in the American market. But the most extravagant of the anticipated benefits from annexation is protection to Canadian manufactures. What are these either in esse or in posse? The American legislature, under the advice of certain American manufacturers, imposed a tax on the American people, through a protective duty which greatly enhances the cost of every yard of calico and every ton of iron they use, depreciating at the same time the quality of the articles they are forced to consume. It is this piece of economic mischief which the framers of the Canadian manifesto coolly propose as a great national advantage. By the aid of the protection, or, in other terms, of self-unproductive taxation, the Americans have been enabled to establish large manufactures of cotton and iron, one of which, at the moment of drawing up the Manifesto, was tottering for want of sufficient protection, and calling out for more taxation to bolster it up. These manufactures have been established for many years, and against them, on equal terms the young manufactures of Canada, would have to compete. Without coal, and without iron in the same abundance as in the old states of the Union, and with cotton further fetched, and therefore dearer, the struggle of the Canadian manufactures would assuredly be a very hopeless one. The Manifesto particularly dwells on the advantage which Lower Canada, in particular, would reap from the establishment of protected manufactures, owing to the abundance of "water privilege" and of "cheap labor." This is sheer selfTo annexation it may probably come at last, but delusion. For one half the year the "water priv |