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From the Spectator, 3rd Nov.
ment of New York, and in the nullification controversy between north and south. They think that absorption will overrule and obliterate dissen sions of race it has obliterated nationality in Louisiana and Florida; it has not obliterated race in the Negro helotry; and the new province must make up its mind to sharing the dangers and guilt of that tremendous riddle. Canada must waive her blessed immunity from that contamination.
DOES national virtue find its sole expression in a money profit? If so, Canada might have her annexation; for England would have neither motive nor power to retain her. The annexationists of Montreal rest their manifesto mainly on a calculation of commercial advantage. Does that suffice? Prove a profitable balance in the ledger, and is that all that a nation should look to-or the chief All this the colonists might be made to feel, if thing? Unquestionably there are greater and the public servants of England went to work in the higher objects. The bond of national unity de- right way. The more so since, of all provinces pends upon several things-questions of race, in the world, Canada is perhaps the one that has social habits, political institutions, and more be- most uniformly exhibited the influence of feelings sides; but above all, on sympathy in upholding upon political views and sympathies. The "Britnoble sentiments. Yes, simple as that tie may ish" party has been brought to its present false be, it is the true bond of nationality. The simple position by an ultra-loyal affection for England, love of justice between man and man-whether and her institutions-an affection perverted by bad the justice between crowned and uncrowned man administration. The French party has been noted on the plain of Runnymede, or the "fair play" | for the degree in which it is swayed by feelings. between two combatants in the street-has been Were the imperial government, then, to be reprethe sturdy sentiment which has guided England through many a contest, many a trouble, and many a perplexity, to be great and powerful. You cannot find the equation of that sentiment in gold.
We might ask Canada if she forgets her blood relationship, that she is leaving us for lucre; but, unhappily, we have done no little to forfeit that claim. We have forfeited it by the conduct of the minister whom the House of the English Commons suffers to rule over the colonies. Failing to strike out a policy which should be original, successful, and superior to all others-thwarted in his own sport with the colonies, Lord Grey is driven to desperate courses, and their welfare is sacrificed to his disappointed self-love and fantastic spleen how, then, can he recall them from a mere commercial policy to more generous ideas? We have forfeited our claim by the conduct of the representative of this country, who has brought the crown and its imperial authority into disgrace by vacillation, trifling, and cowardice. More deplorable is it that we have forfeited the claim nationally, by our trading statesmanship-doubly trading, in the subserviency of our statesmen to trading ideas, in their traffic upon any cant of the day. Abroad, we have trifled with the highest national feelings; at home, we doubt, scoff, and prevaricate; putting trust only in what professes to be small, topical, and not elevated or dignified. How then can we recall Canada to her faith in noble sentiments or her sympathy with great ideas?
sented in Downing Street and Montreal by men who could share and direct these ready sympathies, it would be possible to reäwaken in the colony a noble nationality. England might say to her-" You have been treated harshly and unfairly: the pursuit of party objects in London has made the imperial parliament play fast and loose with your finance; a bad colonial minister has exasperated your factions; you have been so ill governed that your colonization stands still, and your border marks the confines between the prosperity of a republican state and the backwardness of an English dependency: all that is allowed: but we will treat you more generously; a man of elevated and generous feeling shall be your governor; your local statesmen shall be invited to grave and friendly council in London; we will take counsel with you upon the best way in which mother-country and colony can stand by each other, to uphold freedom, to develop each other's greatness, and to serve mankind go free if you will; but before you do so, let us see if we cannot be more happy, more exalted among the nations, more beneficent to our race, by remaining together." We believe that a policy conceived and expressed in this spirit would meet with a hearty and a full response from Canada.
The annexationists admit that separation would not be practicable or desirable without the consent of England. “The consent!" who is to give it? What traitors are there amongst us, in high places, that the separatists count upon an official No; if she thinks she can gain by the transfer, consent? Are we come to such pass that, to inwe must let her turn adrift. The loss, indeed, dulge the crotchets and foibles of splenetic and will be hers, not exclusively, but chiefly. For incompetent statesmanship, we must forego Lord though we are degraded by this subserviency to Durham's great effort" to perpetuate and strengthtrading ideas, the United States are still more so; en the connection between this empire and the and any province joining them must consent to North American colonies, which would then form sink to the same level, or be cheated. The Mon- one of the brightest ornaments in her majesty's treal annexationists think that absorption in the imperial crown?" Is the attempt to be abandoned Union will supersede border wars, and endow their by the sovereign with the advice of her responsiprovince with lasting peace; forgetting the alarm-ble ministers ? The British public ought to learn ing wars which germinate in the anti-rent move- what the executive means to do.
From the Examiner of 3 Nov.
ing position they have studiously set themselves LOUIS NAPOLEON'S DISMISSAL OF THE BARROT against. They look to the ultimate restoration
IF trouble, confusion, or disruption of the republic, ensue in Paris from the desire which the president has just manifested, and the step he has taken, to secure ministers of his own opinion and policy, the fault may be immediately his, but originally it lies with the leaders of the Assembly and its conservative majority. They resolved to have a chief of the republic with monarchic and hereditary pretensions. In a kind of spite, because they could not have a Bourbon of one branch or the other, they took a Bonaparte. To the authority and pride which surrounded the name of such a president, they added, for him, the still greater claim of the elect of the French people. And this very power, concentrated in the person of the president, they used in order to beat, to provoke, and to subdue, the first National Assembly. They defied its majority, and ruled in despite of it; M. Barrot himself snapping his fingers at that majority, and declaring that he ruled by the grace, not of the Assembly, but of the president and of the popular choice.
The precedent thus established by M. Barrot and the Conservative Club is now turned against him, and the club, and the majority in the present Chamber. We must say for Louis Napoleon, however, that he had not, up to this point, proved self-willed or indocile. He had in a thousand instances given up his personal will, passed over his personal friends, and nowithstanding his own liberal instincts and leanings, had allowed his ministers to be as illiberal in domestic policy, and as pusillanimous in foreign, as they could well be. No doubt his obsequiousness was induced or strengthened by the idea that such a conservative policy in Italy and elsewhere secured to himself personally the friendship, if not the protection, of the old sovereigns and dynasties of Europe, into whose ranks he might have hopes of one day entering.
of the monarchy of some Bourbon or another; and they regard the present president as a stepping plank. It was not to be expected that he should be blind to this, or that he should tolerate what really is both a slight and a treachery. His present message to the Assembly is the result. It is at least open and sincere, and these are great merits. But its braggadocio about the 10th December, and the glories of the Napoleon name, bespeaks a grievous infatuation, and foreshadows but one result.
Fortunately for M. Molé, M. Thiers, and those other designing gentlemen, Louis Napoleon is not a deep politician; he cannot dissemble, smother his resentment, conceal his hopes, or prepare his revenge. It is curious to think how Louis Philippe in his place would have outwitted and disappointed those knowing politicians. Louis Napoleon is, however, incapable of playing Mazarin. He is more of a Condé, who slashed such net-work with the sword. The temper required in such matters is that which would unite, as Napoleon's did, the subtleness and dissimulation of the Italian politician with the firmness and daring of the French revolutionist. But such qualities do not descend with a name.
The most unpromising part of the president's coup d'etat is the list of his ministry. This is the melancholy comment on the brag about the Napoleon name. With the exception of Rayneval, evidently appointed because he is too far off to send an immediate refusal, there is not a name to inspire either the army, the bourse, or the Assembly, those fitful powers and pulses of the public, with confidence. The president thinks that his personal unit placed before so many ciphers will make a respectable sum of authority. But this is another mistake; and the announcement of this ministry at first in the non-official column of the Moniteur, pretty clearly explains their position, and the president's misgivings.
Had the president attempted this in a recess, The embassy of M. De Persigny to the northern and happened to be free from the Assembly for courts has dissipated this illusion. His return even a few weeks, he might have thrown up some with the conviction that not all the obsequiousness intrenchments, and got some party to rally round of the French government had made any sensible impression upon those monarchs, or won them to Bonapartist interests, has shown the president how he has been frittering away the first year of his hold of power, without making any tried friends at home or abroad, and without advancing his own cherished purpose one single step.
him. But, as it is, there is not time. The Assembly met on Friday, and will or may meet again to-day. It cannot be dissolved, cannot be prorogued. Changarnier, the commander of the military force of Paris, is far more in the interests of the Assembly than of the president; and, strange to say, this commander is bound by law The manifest aim of Louis Napoleon in writing to obey the president of the Assembly, not the his famous letter on Roman affairs was that of president of the republic. All this promises one seeking eclat for himself, and recommending him- of those conflicts of authority of which the Red self as a chief of liberal ideas; and the Assembly, Republic was alone considered capable. These as manifestly, cushioned the letter not more for same Reds are also, no doubt, watching the quarthe sake of propitiating the Pope than for that of rel betwixt two fractions of that party which condefeating the aim of Louis Napoleon. The As-quered them, with considerable exultation. sembly and the Club of the Rue de Poitiers have sought to make but a moment's use of Louis Napoleon. The notion of his taking any firm or last
ready there are symptoms of the citizen class swerving from coercion and martial law to milder and more liberal sentiments. The insurgents of
Strasburg have been acquitted; those now in | He flies to her arms in the warlike sense. course of trial before the court of Versailles have, this implies a striking degree of piquancy. it is said, considerable chances of acquittal. Such Would that the secret were known. We all remema verdict at such a moment would create almost ber how much the respectable Juno was indebted an emeute of joy and exultation amongst the repub- to a loan of the bewitching cestus belonging to licans. a less regular fair, but the properties of that talisThe opportunities are tempting, the moment man are still undescribed. Lola seems to have dangerous. It was during the dispute between the secret. Louis Philippe and M. Barrot that the revolution of February grew into a great fact. It should be taken care that a similar dispute betwixt Louis Napoleon and M. Barrot, for pretty much the same cause, too, that of the chief of the state governing by himself, may not now lead to a similar result.
In the history of King Arthur, if we remembe rightly, is a somewhat parallel case-that of J lady who is under a spell through which, at midnight, her favored cavalier is hacked and hewed by a self-acting sword: yet he braved his fate. Sc does Heald. How is it?
Why does the Red Indian recur to his wilder ness, the Arab to his desert, the dweller on th volcano to that very spot where the earthquake
BE she Celt of Ireland or of Spain, with the swallowed up his house and the flames blasted his
fire of Milesian or of Mauritanian blood in her veins, Lola Montez is an anachronism. She belongs to the age of Archbishop Turpin or the She has the same disregard
of time or place, of safety or appearances, as adventurous dansels of that indefinite age. She wanders forth to seek adventures, hating repose. Europe is her pleasure-ground. She sports with kings, and breaks with them at a freak; she rides off from her Medoro, and appoints him to meet her at breakfast in another kingdom; she accepts titles and fortune, and gives them back again, with the
ease of the theatre and the chivalrous romance.
The Assemblée Nationale, which seems to perform in Paris the gossiping function of a Belle Assemblée, relates how she broke with her quasihusband Mr. Heald, late of the Dragoon Guards
Smith, with Murat or Pauline Bonaparte; but
somehow it reäppears occasionally. The Penny worth's novels are replaced on our shelves by Magazine has not been immortal; Miss EdgeJane Eyre; Irishmen still continue their fights even as they fought in the days of Brien Boroihme; Mount Etna blazes at will; the stoutest ship learns that the winds are stronger; the cholera and the Lola make the grand tour.-Spectator.
From the Examiner.
LETTER TO LORD DUDLEY STUART ON THE
Five days since, Mr. Heald called on the English A GREAT man never can be made greater by consul, [at Barcelona,] and said to him, “I am come another; he places his own crown on his head. to ask your advice. I have some friends here who There are many who deem it a high honor to be recommend me to abandon my wife; what ought I to do? I am afraid of being assassinated or poi-elected by even a small constituency, whether for soned. At Perpignan she stabbed me." He then a seat in Parliament or some other post of office showed a waistcoat stained with blood. The con- and profit. Perhaps they are right, in regard to sul replied, "I am astonished that, after the attack themselves: but I never could comprehend how you speak of, you had not laid a complaint before an illustrious man, by any possibility, can receive the police at Perpignan, and that you have since an honor, manifest as it is that he may confer one, lived with her on such intimate terms. But if you even by a glance. By bearing a due respect and wish to abandon your wife, I have no advice to give you." He offered, however, to viser his passport reverence to such a man, we honor not him but for any direction which he might think proper to ourselves. We can raise only what is beneath or take. On the same day the parties had quarrelled. on a level with us; we cannot raise what we canOn the following [the 18th] Mr. Heald sent to the not reach. Even the executive power, whatever English Consul for a new passport, and at half-past its denomination, in conferring a dignity or title, four o'clock he disappeared. must be looked at as a windlass or pulley which lifts up an ornament to its proper place.
Forty-eight hours after his departure, he wrote to her from Mataro, imploring pardon. He besought her to allow him to return to her feet. He terminated his epistle thus-"If you have ever to complain of me, show me this letter, and it will be your talisman." Mrs. Heald set out next day by the railway, and some hours after brought back Mr. Heald.
It is glorious to be either the voluntary advocate or the chosen defender of the unfortunate and oppressed. You are both, my lord, against kings and emperors, presidents and popes. England applauds you but somewhat larger than England, larger than the seas that surround her, or the lands that What Paphian cestus does Lola wind round lie beyond, applauds you too-your heart. Trees the blade of her poniard? There must be some-reach their full growth where there are few surthing very engaging about the terrible fair: kings rounding them; so do men. We might think you are captive, and her Lancelot braves, not the blade less if we saw a dozen such about you; and perof others, but her own, when he returns to her. [haps, if there were, you would be. As matters
stand, you cover the whole space they would partly | pathies are moderate, antipathies are extinct. Not
a minister of the crown would disembowel an opKossuth, it is reported, is expected soon in positionist, or scourge his wife; scarcely three in England. God grant it! It may revive a sense five would commend, or countenance, the miscreant of glory, long vitiated, and almost dead. Public who should have driven from the seat of his govmen, indeed, will exclude him from their houses; ernment men festering under wounds received in their praises are reserved for Haynau, their tables defence of their families. But it is not to such are decorated for O'Ferral. But let us contend people we lift our eyes and voices; it is neither to with America for the possession of the purest finality, nor to agitation. We plead before no patriot on earth. Let us, who heretofore have intriguers, no coiners of counterfeit, no scramblers taught her many things, teach her now in what for tags and trumpery, no brawlers in streets, no manner she may gladden the heart of millions, and whisperers in palace; we plead for the Hungaraise to herself on an imperishable basis a monument rian defender of venerable institutions, cognate the most worthy of her wealth and virtue. Pro- with our own, and bearing a strong family resemposals have been offered to commemorate in bronze blance. It would be criminal to doubt either the and marble the achievements of the Hungarians.ability or the resolution of the two wealthiest naSo be it. But in what better or more befitting tions in the world to raise a few thousand pounds manner can it be done, than in the structure of a annually, in order to compensate the losses, and to plain and simple mansion for the family of their support the dignity, of as pure and energetic a president? No Blenheim is demanded, no column, patriot as ever guided the councils of either. no prancing horse, but simply a retired and quiet WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR. mansion, such as twelve or fifteen thousand pounds could erect and furnish. It would be more honorable for the Americans to contribute toward it in England than in their country; and if their contribution were the larger, as it probably will be, the prouder would be their superiority, over a nation with which they were never to be engaged in any
other kind of contest.
I have little money; but I have several pictures; and, as my pride does not often step out of doors, I shall be delighted to indulge it in giving twenty of the best toward the adornment of the house which the only two free nations will erect for the greatest of all free men.
Testimonials to patriotism, true or false, and oftener false than true, have been prodigally exhibited in England recently. The spirit of party has breathed hotly over the land, and has blown foul bubbles into the air. Among the statues in our metropolis, how extremely few are erected to beneficent, to prudent, to temperate, or even commonly honest men! Subverters of law in their own country, disturbers of the public peace in its dependencies, adventurers, gamblers, debtors, defaulters, profligates, constitute the greater part, and almost the whole. Where are our philosophers, our poets, our patriots? In the centre of what square, at the termination of what avenue, stands Shakspeare? What temple is sanctified by Milton's purity? "Nature and nature's laws" announce their Newton; we look for him also in
"If jealousy and hatred of the truly great among ourselves have instigated us to substitute the false, let us avoid the sight of such as, coming too near, may inflict on us any uneasiness. Let us prove before the world at large that its virtuous men are dear to us at a distance, and that to them at least we will not be unjust. Parties, our worst seducers from the path of rectitude, are fused, flattened, hardened, and inert. Public virtue no longer is laughed at, as it was in the last century from the beginning to the end, but merely smiled at; sym
Bath, October 18.
From the Evening Bulletin. SHAKSPEARE READINGS.
WRITTEN AFTER MRS. KEMBLE'S LAST READING IN
These are thy guests, O Shakspeare! these the
Thy priestess with her godlike art controls,
Well, whatsoe'er the motive, there's a soul
The play goes on; soon comes a merry note,
Here shone an art Shaksperian, that could make A various crowd such common feeling take, 'Twas Shakspeare's self, in a fair woman's form, That roused the mass to sense so true and warm: Brought" whining school boy," "slippered pantaloon,"
Dandy and dame, to sympathy so soon;
The royal banquet 's done; the queen departs,
And wheresoe'er their paths through life may go,
Swelling the flood that sweeps
On to eternity.
I who have filled the cup,
I must yet drink of it.
Room for him into the
Ranks of humanity;
Kingdom of vanity;
See, in his waywardness,
During life's troubles.
Could he but have a glimpse
Well might he fight against
As if his purity
Clouded in mystery,
Cheering his party on.
Moisten with tears.
Now then to find a name ; Where shall we search for it? Turn to his ancestry,
Or to the church for it? Shall we endow him with
Title heroic, After some warrior, Poet, or stoic?
One aunty says he will
Soon "lisp in numbers," Turning his thoughts to rhyme, E'en in his slumbers; Watts rhymed in babyhoodNo blemish spots his fameChristen him even so;
Young Mr. Watts, his
Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall, with Notices of their Botanical Contemporaries. By WM. DARLINGTON, M. D., LL. D., &c. With Illustrations.
Dr. Darlington's new work forms a volume of nearly six hundred pages, which the publishers have issued in a very handsome manner. It consists principally of an immense number of letters, the correspondence of Bartram with Collinson, Sir Hans Sloan, Kalm, Solander, Michaux, and other celebrated botanists, as well as those which passed between Marshall and Franklin, Sir Joseph Banks, Dr. Muhlenberg, and other equally well-known savans. It would be superfluous to praise a work like this. Its subjects and the name of the esteemed and accomplished author will commend it to the favor of a very wide circle of readers of botanical and antiquarian tastes, who will be glad to possess such memorials of such men.-Nat. Intelligencer.