stroyed the piety. The revolution which has ions of an intellectual age, he salas Governor shaken Europe, and is still unaccomplished, has McDowell said of John Quincy Adams—" that been as full of hope as fear-fuller; if republican- rare and picturesque old man," one of the lastism has not yet learned its own art, of constructing except the elder Josiah Quincy, the last of the men a sell-maintaining power endowed with the strength who were prominent as slatesmen in the dawning to combine effective rule and universal sanction, hours of the republic. despotism has confessedly gone back to school ; and He had never been in company with Franklin. although political science has not learned to un- When he called on him at Philadelphia, the phifold the future, it has gained the knowledge that losopher was sharing the ills of the human race in the influences which are disengaged are working a severe attack of the gout. But of Washington for good. The hard, sceptical doctrine of mere he saw much, at various times, and under circuinutilitarianism and self-interest, which, fully carried stances the best calculated for a development of out, should have taught us to discard the folly of character and peculiarities. He was with the laboring for unknown future generations, has given Pater Patrial for two days in a log hut near the place to a happier piety. The leaves are falling, Kenawha, when the general was examining the but the fine ear of informed faith can hear the proper route for the construction of a new road. grass growing, can hear the melody of winds The point in question was as to the best location blowing over the blossoms of future summers, of the road over a high hill, and the evidence of and in the dim distance, too far for distinct inter- many of the resident citizens was given as to the pretation, can yet discern the voices of happier various heights, distances, gradations, &c. Mr. generations.

Gallatin was standing near the table, at which

Washington was busy in writing down the various From the Courier and Enquirer. statements made. The evidence was so complete

that, at a particular gap in the mountain, the road, ALBERT GALLATIN.

if built, must be made, that Mr. G., with all the Our times but little realize, as yet, the loss sus- ardor of his youth and nation, interrupted the contained in the passing away of this illustrious sage ference by exclaiming, “ Why, general, there can and statesman. With him, there faded a treasure be no doubt in respect to this—that gap is the only of the most interesting reminiscence-of observa- feasible point." tion profound and accurate. He had participated The aides-de-camp and other gentlemen in atin the great movements of the formation of our tendance were amazed at the temerity and abruptgovernment, and his comments upon them were the ness of the interruption. The general raised his more valuable, because he had viewed the events eyes, looked fixedly at Mr. G., made no reply, but of the New World in the light of the strong con- continued writing for about eight minutes, and then trasts which they furnished to him who had seen turning to him, said: “You are right, Mr. Gallathe effect of an utterly different state of society in tin, that is the proper route.” I could not forbear, the Old World. He had, although not born among when, in the subsequent part of the conversation, us, become one of us; and while his language, in Mr. G. was expressing his regret at never having its graceful and interesting accentuation, indicated seen Napoleon, suggesting to him that a man who that the English was acquired by education—not had been pronounced right by Washington, need by the habits of the formning years of life—it was not regret anything. so pure in its construction, so appropriate in all Mr. Gallatin cited the above incident as an illusits phrases-classic, yet not pedantic-that they 'tration of his belief that Washington never acted who were privileged to hear him, recognized in his from the impulse of the moment, but always from colloquial oratory—for such it deserved to be deliberation - from the influences of examination, termed—a winning, delightful example, and yet or the results of counsel. He thought it the inore inimitable.

remarkable, when taken in connection with the In the spring of 1848, through the kindness of known fact that Washington had a temper of trethe Hon. E. C. Benedict, I enjoyed—and this mendous force, over which it was his greatest word applies most forcibly—an interview with triumph to have achieved a mastery, and which Mr. Gallatin, which I cannot but remember as one must have been constantly an impetus to sudden of the most interesting of my life. He looked the determination. beau ideal of a venerable statesman, and not merely He said Washington had not colloquial power; in his personal appearance, but in all that sur- indeed, in the sense in which that word is usually rounded him, there was the accompaniment, the taken, he was not a man of great talent. He garniture of the scholar. The room in which he could be very interesting in the private circles of sat was capacious, and all about him was graceful, home; but these instances of familiar and reministasteful, and in unison with study. There were cent converse occur but seldom. It was a theme books grouped and arranged, not us if to be seen, of much congratulation to the painter Stuart, that but as if placed by the hand of one who had them he had caught the expression of Washington's face in every hour use. The ornaments of his apart in such a moment, and that this constituted the ment were the picture and the bust--and these of charm and the fidelity of his portrait. pencilling and sculpturing indicating the true artist. Mr. Gallatin said he had seen most of the great

And in the midst of these, the pleasant compan.) men of his age, in this land and on the European

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continent. Washington was the only one whose

(Correspondence of the Britannia.) presence inspired fear. He kept everybody at a

Paris, 4 Oct. distance, and had a reserve of manner amounting EXTRAORDINARY interest has been created here almost to stiffness and awkwardness. He had not by a theatrical scandal, The managers of the the manner which would be designated popular or Théâtre de la Porte St. Martin-a playhouse on fascinating. It was of the “ born to command” a level with the London Surrey or Victoria—had school ; very dignified, but incapable of familiarity. the sublime impudence to make their playwrights He kept everybody at a distance ; and, indeed, Mr. dress up the Pope--the real, identical Pope of G. said, that he believed Washington never loved our days, Pius IX., late of Rome, now in exilebut one man in his life, and that was Lafayette. and make him figure in his own name of Mastai He did not willingly bear to be opposed or contra- as the hero of a melodramatic spectacle. There dicted.

was the holy man making love, tippling brandy, If by any chance any of your readers should and uttering oaths, as a soldier-the popular berecollect an article written by myself for your col- lief being (mistakenly, however) that he served umns some time since, on the Houdon statue of in the army in his youth ; then we had him Washington, suggested by the examination of the episcopal robes, quoting texts of Scripture, preachcopy in the Athenæuin at Boston, they may recol- ing, exhorting, and giving his blessing as Bishop lect how completely all these opinions of Mr. G. of Imola; then he swaggered before us as cardinal, are verified by the look and expression of that and we heard him shouting about liberty, independstatue of which John Marshall said, it was the ence, and all other standing topics of reform meetmost perfect resemblance that man could make of ings and radical newspapers ; then he came out as

Pope with tiara and gorgeous robes, and a train of Illustrious in Washington's character was his cardinals, and the whole population kneeling before great love of justice. It was almost overstrained, hin; next we had the worthy man making political so rigid was he in respect do all its phases, so over concessions to his people-in return for which the nice in all that concerned punctuality, that. he (Mr. people sent him to the right about ; then we were G.) declined the offer which Washington made him introduced to the excellent M. Mazzini, who talked of the agency of his Pennsylvania lands, lest he oh! such balderdash ; and to the valiant “General” might in some unintentional manner offend or dis- Garibaldi, who, if he is at all like the lout who obey him.

personated liim, is an ugly, dirty, offensive, impuHis cabinet was an ill-assorted one, as Jefferson dent wretch ; and, to give a pleasant melodramatic and Hamilton were such master-minds as to be at flavor of the sayings and doings of these disease only when in control. Mr. G.'s judgment tinguished individuals, we had the assassination of Hamilton I could not but think was a little col- of Count Rossi literally represented, with, if I ored, by the prejudice of the days of fierce partisan mistake not, the identical dagger which the asconflict. He thought that he tinctured the habits sassin used –

|- we had also sundry grotesque ballets of the statesman too much with those of the soldier, -and as a boquet the capture and occupation of and had, like Washington, a dislike of contradic- Rome by the French. All good Catholics were tion.

naturally horribly scandalized at seeing the holy John Adams he characterized as the great man father dragged in such a way on the stage ; and, of the revolution—standing up when others fal- heretic though I am, I admit that it was a most intered. Lafayette he thought not equal to the famous outrage. But it gave rise to a striking dempositions to which he was called-an opinion, it onstration of the sentiments of the lower classes of may be recollected, precisely the reverse of that Paris with respect to the Roman expedition ; selexpressed by John Quincy Adams, in his Eulogy dom have I heard such long-continued and hearty over Fayette, pronounced before both houses of acclamation as greeted Mazzini and Garibaldi, and Congress.

every word uttered by them that was hostile to the The memory of Mr. Gallatin—his power of French; even the assassination of Count Rossi was, expression-his choice of language, seemed to me from the same spirit, loudly applauded ; and when like those of a man in the vigor of his days. There the French troops were represented in possession was just enough of the foreign accent in his pro- of Rome there arose a yell of execration which nunciation to make it agreeable ; and he was, almost brought the roof down. The respectable from the language not being his vernacular, care portion of the audience struggled hard to get up ful and exact in his words. To listen to such a a counter demonstration, but their efforts were man—to hear history from one whose acts and vain Three thousand of the free and independopinions had contributed so largely to form it-to ent blouses persisted in hooting their own flag, witness the pleasant, the delightful evening of a yelling down their own soldiers, disowning their life so thronged with incidents befitting an elabo- own military exploits, and branding their own rate scholar, an illustrious statesman ; to know one government ! Never, perhaps, was such a scene who had been the friend of Washington*—these witnessed before in any theatre. But the lesson, were, indeed, circumstances of this interview, it must be confessed, was richly merited by the which I must always regard as most valuable. government, for the infamy of that Roman affair

SENTINEL. is unexampled. Unwilling, however, to be so * (?).-Living Age.

scouted, the government has forbidden any further representation of the piece.


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From the Examiner, 29 Sept. and Dufaure. The Pope was supposed to enter-

tain a cordial opinion of the same kind. So that The president of the French republic, it is to land at Civita, set up this party, and enable it pretty evident, is after all worth something more to recall the Pope, seemed to the more liberal statesthan the sharp intriguers and solemn nonentities men of the Elysée the simplest thing imaginable. who surround him as councillors and courtiers. But lo! all the facts on which the French relied The letter to Colonel Ney is now clearly admitted completely disappeared. The moderates vanished to be his individual act and expression of opinion; or became immoderate. The Pope ran away, and for there is not one of his ministers who does not flung himself into the arms and ideas of the Jesuits; condemn its frankness, and is not ready to draw and the French diplomatists wrote home that a back from the necessity of imposing such large middle and moderate party, in any manner reliable, and liberal conditions on the Pope. M. Dufaure no more exists in Rome than it does in Siberia or alone perhaps stickles for some shadow of Roman Patagonia. Were a shadow of such a party fabfreedom ; but all his colleagues subunit to M. de ricated, and put up in power, it would require an Falloux, and are now entreating that lay brother army to keep it there ; and this arıny should have of the conclave to settle the difference with the a double front, one opposed to the priests and ultras, Pope for them at any price.

the other to the democrats. The termination of The fact is, that this moderate party, of which every French despatch from Rome has therefore the governinent is composed, cannot separate from been—Let us get out of this country as fast as the legitimists, cannot do without them, cannot possible. throw them into opposition. Their ill-humor, What the Pope concedes is manifest from his their good understanding with the republicans, motu proprio. His first promise is a Council of would at once overthrow the president. Hence State, of which he does not say that even the maM. de Falloux must be retained, and the Pope and jority shall be leaders. Then he promises a Conthe priests must be conciliated. Louis Napoleon sulta, a Senate to be elected by Provincial Councils, must not throw the religious banner to be caught whose duty will be to offer advice on financial matat by the Duke of Bordeaux. The Pope knows ters. The provincial councils are not to be elected his advantage. M. de Falloux's brother, an eccle- directly by the municipal councils, but chosen from siastic, is in Italy, as a means of communication. lists furnished by the latter. The motu proprio To expect that Messrs. Barrot and Dufaure could ends by the promise of an amnesty to all not exbend the Pope, thus encouraged, is idle. His pressly excluded ; but as every Roman of liberalism holiness has ceded no more, will cede no more, and importance is excluded, the amnesty is but one than is necessary to save appearances for the French more of the list of papal humbugs. There is cabinet, and enable it to make some lame show of little doubt, however, that with this the French defence before the Assembly.

government has determined to content itself! Upon the public men of France, thus truckling There cannot be a stronger corroboration of the and tergiversating, the letter of M. Mazzini has truth of Mazzini's letter than such a termination falien like one of those flashes of lightning which of French professions and intervention. illumine in the midst of darkness, allowing each man to read for a moment his neighbor's face. How a Frenchman should peruse such a document

M. Mazzini's Letter.* -The letter of M.

Mazzini to M. Falloux and M. de Tocqueville, (first without wincing and blushing is difficult to conceive; and it has therefore been made ample use

published in the “Daily News,”) fills the columns of. French writers so universally flatter their of the “ Presse,” the “ National,” and various

The old hand of the “ National" countrymen, that not even the “ reddest” of them could have told the truth in the bold and uncom

will be recognized in the following:

“ Powerful promising language of Mazzini.

The facts, too,

reasoning, a pitiless memory, perfect clearness. of the letter are undeniable; the logic simple; and

and convincing proofs, are the smallest recommenthe ministerialists have nothing to reply, save to dations of this solemn manifestation, which is the complain that the language is not polite. Poor last cry of the Roman republic, miserably assassiMazzini, just escaped from the battle-field and from nated by the French republic. What principally

strikes us in this document is the firm and grave the scorching ruin of his country, could scarcely be expected to write in courtly vein. He speaks tone, the deep conviction, the constant enthusiasm, to history and to posterity, and does not inince his the language becoming a man and a citizen, which

all the art in the world cannot counterfeit. The words ; and certainly Oudinot, and Barrot, and Corcelles, appear very contemptible pigmies in the letter of Mazzini is a sword-cut, falling straight face of his gigantic objurgation.

and firm on the folds of the serpent which glides

You have lied ! These three words sum But, after all, Mazzini does too much honor to away. the French when he supposes them to have acted up the whole anathema ; but what a terrible defrom political principles and from hatred to free-velopment they receive! How, under the inex

orable dom. The Roman expedition was undertaken

of the Triumvir, are collected instances with the simple notion that there was a strong

of disloyalty, treachery, forgetfulness, and acts of party of moderate constitutionalists at Rome, con

* This is an admirable letter, too long for our columns. sisting of men like Barrot himself, Tocqueville,

-L. A.


other papers.

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oppression, to the very moment when the writer is not so much with the executive government as stops, not from having exhausted what he had to with the national assembly that the ratification of say, but because his patience failed him, and be treaties rests. M. Thiers possesses sufficient cause he felt in himself the same disgust that he credit with a large portion of the conservative had just inspired his readers with, for all the majority, who admire his practical talents and wretched matters stripped of their solemn cover- obey his occult influence, to induce them to reject ings, their pompous masks, their imposing mystery! the treaty negotiated by Admiral Léprédour and Ah! we pity MM. de Tocqueville and de Falloux, Mr. Southern in its present shape. To the other now that they see themselves dragged before the perplexities of this embarrassing question, a minsupreme tribunal of public opinion, and when they isterial defeat might thus be added ; and the have a foretaste of the just chastisement which greater probability is that the French government awaits them at the tribune." While the “ Na- will resume and continue its negotiations at Buenos tional" thus lauds the letter to the skies, the Ayres without giving any great activity to its “ Constitutionnel” denounces it for the grossness naval operations. The obvious inconvenience of of its insults, exclaiming, “ Each phrase is an this course is, that it affords a pretext to Rosas insult, each expression an affront. It is, however, for the prolongation of hostilities, and that the the style of the demagogical faction of which he is commercial community may still long be excluded one of the leaders. Who can fail to recognize from the advantages to be anticipated from the through this violence the brutality of its manners, pacification of the River Plate and the independrespecting as little the laws of language as of ence of Monte Video. nations ?"

Another unpleasant and inopportune circum

stance has just occurred in the relations of France From the London Times, of 4th Oct.

with another portion of the American continent,

which threatens to kindle a diplomatic quarrel FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY.

with the United States. One of the strangest The mail for Brazil and Buenos Ayres, which and most perilous consequences of the revolution leaves London this day, will take out a distinct of February was that the duties of representing intimation that the intentions of the French gov- the French republic in foreign countries were ernment with reference to a fresh expedition into suddenly thrust upon men utterly unqualified for the River Plate had been overstated ; that no mil- such functions by education, station, or experience. itary armament is now contemplated at Brest ; and The post of minister at Washington had been that the superior officer who succeeds Admiral intended for M. de Circourt, a gentleman who Léprédour in the River Plate will sail in com- united all these qualities in the highest degree, mand of a squadron of fresh vessels merely to and who had consented, from personal friendship relieve the ships and crews which have already for M. de Lamartine, and from patriotic motives, served their full time on that station, and are re- to proceed to Berlin in the first stormy days of called. We rejoice to find that this expedition is the provisional government. Instead, however, of disavowed or abandoned, not from any unworthy rewarding M. de Circourt's great services in Geror misplaced jealousy of its results, but from a many by the legation to the United States, M. de conviction that, as in the case of the expedition Lamartine allowed that position to be carried by projected some years ago against Madagascar, some republican intrigue in favor of a man utterly such an enterprise would lead to no result at all, unknown to fame, but who rejoices in the signifiunless it were undertaken on a scale far exceed- cant and captivating name of William Tell Poussin. ing that of the forces which the French govern- It seems, however, that M. Poussin has contrived ment might be disposed to despatch to South to leave a trace in diplomatic history before he America in the present state of Europe. We could be superseded by a more suitable representashould, moreover, have deplored any decided dif- tive of the French nation. He was instructed to ference between the policy to be pursued by obtain from the American government some repaFrance and by England towards Monte Video and ration or indemnity for losses sustained by French Buenos Ayres, for any such difference would not subjects in the course of the Mexican war; but he only have increased the jealousy and animosity appears to have couched his demand in terms so which have occasionally broken out between unusual, or unbecoming, that the American cabinet French and English interests in that quarter, but immediately answered it by sending him his passit might be regarded as a triumph for Rosas to ports. This correspondence has not yet reached have succeeded in dissolving the formidable com- us, and we know little of the merits of the case, or bination of the two leading maritime powers of the effect it may produce in Paris ; but in New against himself.

York it had occasioned a sudden and remarkable The opinions of M. Thiers on the Monte Videan depression of the public securities, and apprehenquestion are known to be extremely decided, and sions had been excited as to the consequences of extremely hostile to the pretensions of Rosas. such a blow aimed at a sister republic, which His influence is undoubtedly continually exercised amounts to an interruption of diplomatic interagainst the species of compromise which had been course. The probability is that as the affront proposed, and it must be borne in mind that by seems to have consisted in form rather than in the present constitution of the French republic it substance, and as it is impossible to impute to

From the London Times


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France and the United States a serious intention whether any complete and effective system of forof hostility, mutual explanations and the sacrifice eign policy can be founded or pursued. of the diplomatist with the patriotic name will [We do not believe that any free form of government appease the wrath of these democracies.

would suit the French nation. That people needs an apBut the more experience we acquire of this prenticeship. But in the beginning it was evident io form of popular government, especially as applied Americans that the single legislative body was a very to the foreign relations of great nations, the more dangerous and hopeless experiment. Mr. Walsh exerted

himself to the utmost to lay before the constituent body, apparent is it that they do not possess the art

or influential members of it, the arguments in favor of a of keeping politicians out of hot water, or of guid- separate senate like ours. The foregoing article shows ing the course of empires by the strict laws of how ill the single body works in foreign affairs. -Liv. forbearance and the public interest. Any dispas- Age.] sionate and intelligent government, really master of its own resources and responsible for its decisions, would acknowledge the expediency of withdrawing in such times as these from such Whoever has glanced at a map of the West petty and sterile questions as those of the River Indies, must have noticed an island conspicuous Plate, and of avoiding every unnecessary rub in above the rest for its size and its position. Comother parts of the globe ; for the chief secret of manding the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, and strength, in politics as in war, lies in concentra- possessing one of the noblest harbors in the world, tion. But the passion for display and the appeals Cuba crowns by her political importance the comwhich will be made to the vanity of the national mercial advantages of a rich soil, a varied and assembly will probably prevent the adjustment of teeming productiveness, and a climate which enjoys affairs in the River Plate, and possibly impart con- the genial warmth but escapes the fiercer heats siderable acrimony to this fresh dispute with the of the tropics. The occupation of such an island cabinet at Washington. To such questions, ex- must give strength and wealth to any nation. treme publicity and popular debates on pending Cuba is the strength and wealth of Spain. She negotiations are what a current of air is to a fire ; is the last fragment of the vast empire of “Spain the spark which smoulders under the ashes, and and the Indies." Of all those splendid provinces might expire by a little neglect, is fanned into a which attested the genius of Columbus and the forflame which may reach every part of the edifice. tunes of the Escurial, Cuba alone is left, the earliest For these purposes, the French constitution is and the latest memorial of a briulle glory. When infinitely below that of the United States, which Cuba is wrenched from Spain, then will Spain be has retained in the senate a body acting in the poor

indeed. And, if our transatlantic reports spirit of a privy council, yet endowed with the prove true, this consummation is not distant. authority of a branch of the legislature. That There are but two powers in the world who institution has saved the honor and the policy could occupy the island with profit; but there is of the United States in all its foreign relations, none which could occupy it without dishonesty. from the ratification of Mr. Jay's treaty in 1794 The two to whom the occupation of Cuba would down to the convention for the partition of the Or- be profitable are Great Britain and the United egon territory; and it may be affirmed that many States of America. The former has a sort of of the transactions most essential to the peace equitable lien upon it for the money she has lent and real interests of the nation would have been to Spain. The latter has not even this right to it. frustrated by the factious divisions or the unre. Both are equally able to make themselves masters flecting temper of more popular assemblies. In of it by force. In the hands of either, perhaps, France no such institution exists, and the more its eventual fortunes might be the same. The posdelicate and arduous the foreign relations of the session of it by Great Britain would crush slavery republic may chance to become, the more imprac- and the slave-trade in the western seas. In the ticable will it be to maintain the due authority of hands of the American republic it would aggrasound policy, justice, and wisdom. The executive vate the causes of dissension between the abolitiongovernment ceases to have power to act up to its ists and their opponents; and by the menace of a own convictions; the most far-sighted statesman rupture insure a compromise in favor of the slaves. finds his horizon circumscribed by the prejudices But to neither can it be annexed without treachery or passions of the multitude ; and the exercise of or injustice, or the combination of both. power is clogged with such restraints that its It is true that the President has officially and duties are lowered and its responsibilities weak- authoritatively discouraged the project of Cuban ened. The history of the treaty for the pacifi- annexation. It is true that he has warned the free cation of the River Plate will probably illustrate corps of armed adventurers, with which the easton a small scale this tendency of the present in- ern ports were rise, that the occupation or invasion stitutions of France ; but we shall see the same of territory belonging to a friendly power is a difficulties recur on every occasion on which the violation, not only of international, hut of Amercourse of the government is liable to be counter-ican law. It is also true, we believe, that these acted by personal opposition or popular clamor. dissuasives and prohibitions are not merely formal Under such conditions it is more than doubtfuland illusory. We are inclined to believe that

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