« ElőzőTovább »
He had never been in company with Franklin. When he called on him at Philadelphia, the philosopher was sharing the ills of the human race in a severe attack of the gout. But of Washington he saw much, at various times, and under circumstances the best calculated for a development of character and peculiarities. He was with the
stroyed the piety. The revolution which has ions of an intellectual age, he sat—as Governor shaken Europe, and is still unaccomplished, has McDowell said of John Quincy Adams-" that been as full of hope as fear-fuller; if republican- rare and picturesque old man," one of the lastism has not yet learned its own art, of constructing except the elder Josiah Quincy, the last of the men a self-maintaining power endowed with the strength who were prominent as statesmen in the dawning to combine effective rule and universal sanction, hours of the republic. despotism has confessedly gone back to school; and although political science has not learned to unfold the future, it has gained the knowledge that the influences which are disengaged are working for good. The hard, sceptical doctrine of mere utilitarianism and self-interest, which, fully carried out, should have taught us to discard the folly of laboring for unknown future generations, has given | Pater Patrial for two days in a log hut near the place to a happier piety. The leaves are falling, but the fine ear of informed faith can hear the grass growing, can hear the melody of winds blowing over the blossoms of future summers, and in the dim distance, too far for distinct interpretation, can yet discern the voices of happier generations.
From the Courier and Enquirer.
Kenawha, when the general was examining the proper route for the construction of a new road. The point in question was as to the best location of the road over a high hill, and the evidence of many of the resident citizens was given as to the various heights, distances, gradations, &c. Gallatin was standing near the table, at which Washington was busy in writing down the various statements made. The evidence was so complete that, at a particular gap in the mountain, the road, if built, must be made, that Mr. G., with all the OUR times but little realize, as yet, the loss sus- ardor of his youth and nation, interrupted the contained in the passing away of this illustrious sage | ference by exclaiming, “ Why, general, there can and statesman. With him, there faded a treasure be no doubt in respect to this—that gap is the only of the most interesting reminiscence—of observa-feasible point." tion profound and accurate. He had participated| The aides-de-camp and other gentlemen in atin the great movements of the formation of our tendance were amazed at the temerity and abruptgovernment, and his comments upon them were the ness of the interruption. The general raised his more valuable, because he had viewed the events eyes, looked fixedly at Mr. G., made no reply, but of the New World in the light of the strong con- continued writing for about eight minutes, and then trasts which they furnished to him who had seen turning to him, said: "You are right, Mr. Gallathe effect of an utterly different state of society in tin, that is the proper route." I could not forbear, the Old World. He had, although not born among when, in the subsequent part of the conversation, us, become one of us; and while his language, in Mr. G. was expressing his regret at never having its graceful and interesting accentuation, indicated | seen Napoleon, suggesting to him that a man who that the English was acquired by education-not had been pronounced right by Washington, need by the habits of the forming years of life-it was not regret anything.
so pure in its construction, so appropriate in all Mr. Gallatin cited the above incident as an illusits phrases classic, yet not pedantic-that they [tration of his belief that Washington never acted who were privileged to hear him, recognized in his from the impulse of the moment, but always from colloquial oratory-for such it deserved to be deliberation—from the influences of examination, termed a winning, delightful example, and yet or the results of counsel. He thought it the more inimitable.
remarkable, when taken in connection with the known fact that Washington had a temper of tremendous force, over which it was his greatest triumph to have achieved a mastery, and which must have been constantly an impetus to sudden determination.
In the spring of 1848, through the kindness of the Hon. E. C. Benedict, I enjoyed-and this word applies most forcibly-an interview with Mr. Gallatin, which I cannot but remember as one of the most interesting of my life. He looked the beau ideal of a venerable statesman, and not merely He said Washington had not colloquial power; in his personal appearance, but in all that sur- indeed, in the sense in which that word is usually rounded him, there was the accompaniment, the taken, he was not a man of great talent. He garniture of the scholar. The room in which he could be very interesting in the private circles of sat was capacious, and all about him was graceful, home; but these instances of familiar and reministasteful, and in unison with study. There were cent converse occur but seldom. It was a theme books grouped and arranged, not as if to be seen, of much congratulation to the painter Stuart, that but as if placed by the hand of one who had them he had caught the expression of Washington's face in every hour use. The ornaments of his apart-in such a moment, and that this constituted the ment were the picture and the bust--and these of charm and the fidelity of his portrait. pencilling and sculpturing indicating the true artist. And in the midst of these, the pleasant compan
Mr. Gallatin said he had seen most of the great men of his age, in this land and on the European
continent. Washington was the only one whose presence inspired fear. He kept everybody at a distance, and had a reserve of manner amounting almost to stiffness and awkwardness. He had not the manner which would he designated popular or fascinating. It was of the "born to command" school; very dignified, but incapable of familiarity. He kept everybody at a distance; and, indeed, Mr. G. said, that he believed Washington never loved but one man in his life, and that was Lafayette. He did not willingly bear to be opposed or contradicted.
[Correspondence of the Britannia.]
Paris, 4 Oct.
EXTRAORDINARY interest has been created here by a theatrical scandal. The managers of the Théâtre de la Porte St. Martin-a playhouse on a level with the London Surrey or Victoria-had the sublime impudence to make their playwrights dress up the Pope-the real, identical Pope of our days, Pius IX., late of Rome, now in exileand make him figure in his own name of Mastai as the hero of a melodramatic spectacle. There was the holy man making love, tippling brandy, and uttering oaths, as a soldier-the popular belief being (mistakenly, however) that he served in the army in his youth; then we had him in episcopal robes, quoting texts of Scripture, preach
If by any chance any of your readers should recollect an article written by myself for your columns some time since, on the Houdon statue of Washington, suggested by the examination of the copy in the Athenæum at Boston, they may recol-ing, exhorting, and giving his blessing as Bishop lect how completely all these opinions of Mr. G. are verified by the look and expression of that statue of which John Marshall said, it was the most perfect resemblance that man could make of
Illustrious in Washington's character was his great love of justice. It was almost overstrained, so rigid was he in respect to all its phases, so over nice in all that concerned punctuality, that. he (Mr. G.) declined the offer which Washington made him of the agency of his Pennsylvania lands, lest he might in some unintentional manner offend or disobey him.
His cabinet was an ill-assorted one, as Jefferson and Hamilton were such master-minds as to be at ease only when in control. Mr. G.'s judgment of Hamilton I could not but think was a little colored, by the prejudice of the days of fierce partisan conflict. He thought that he tinctured the habits of the statesman too much with those of the soldier, and had, like Washington, a dislike of contradiction.
John Adams he characterized as the great man of the revolution-standing up when others faltered. Lafayette he thought not equal to the positions to which he was called-an opinion, it may be recollected, precisely the reverse of that expressed by John Quincy Adams, in his Eulogy over Fayette, pronounced before both houses of Congress.
The memory of Mr. Gallatin-his power of expression-his choice of language, seemed to me like those of a man in the vigor of his days. There was just enough of the foreign accent in his pronunciation to make it agreeable; and he was, from the language not being his vernacular, careful and exact in his words. To listen to such a man-to hear history from one whose acts and opinions had contributed so largely to form it-to witness the pleasant, the delightful evening of a life so thronged with incidents befitting an elaborate scholar, an illustrious statesman; to know one who had been the friend of Washington*-these were, indeed, circumstances of this interview, which I must always regard as most valuable. SENTINEL.
of Imola; then he swaggered before us as cardinal, and we heard him shouting about liberty, independence, and all other standing topics of reform meetings and radical newspapers; then he came out as Pope with tiara and gorgeous robes, and a train of cardinals, and the whole population kneeling before him; next we had the worthy man making political concessions to his people-in return for which the people sent him to the right about; then we were introduced to the excellent M. Mazzini, who talked oh! such balderdash; and to the valiant "General" Garibaldi, who, if he is at all like the lout who personated him, is an ugly, dirty, offensive, impudent wretch; and, to give a pleasant melodramatic flavor of the sayings and doings of these distinguished individuals, we had the assassination of Count Rossi literally represented, with, if I mistake not, the identical dagger which the assassin used- -we had also sundry grotesque ballets
and as a boquet the capture and occupation of Rome by the French. All good Catholics were naturally horribly scandalized at seeing the holy father dragged in such a way on the stage; and, heretic though I am, I admit that it was a most infamous outrage. But it gave rise to a striking demonstration of the sentiments of the lower classes of Paris with respect to the Roman expedition; seldom have I heard such long-continued and hearty acclamation as greeted Mazzini and Garibaldi, and every word uttered by them that was hostile to the French; even the assassination of Count Rossi was, from the same spirit, loudly applauded; and when the French troops were represented in possession of Rome there arose a yell of execration which almost brought the roof down. The respectable portion of the audience struggled hard to get up a counter demonstration, but their efforts were vain Three thousand of the free and independent blouses persisted in hooting their own flag, yelling down their own soldiers, disowning their own military exploits, and branding their own government! Never, perhaps, was such a scene witnessed before in any theatre. But the lesson, it must be confessed, was richly merited by the government, for the infamy of that Roman affair is unexampled. Unwilling, however, to be so scouted, the government has forbidden any further representation of the piece.
From the Examiner, 29 Sept.
THE president of the French republic, it is pretty evident, is after all worth something more than the sharp intriguers and solemn nonentities who surround him as councillors and courtiers. The letter to Colonel Ney is now clearly admitted to be his individual act and expression of opinion; for there is not one of his ministers who does not condemn its frankness, and is not ready to draw back from the necessity of imposing such large and liberal conditions on the Pope. M. Dufaure alone perhaps stickles for some shadow of Roman freedom; but all his colleagues submit to M. de Falloux, and are now entreating that lay brother of the conclave to settle the difference with the Pope for them at any price.
and Dufaure. The Pope was supposed to enter-
But lo! all the facts on which the French relied completely disappeared. The moderates vanished or became immoderate. The Pope ran away, and flung himself into the arms and ideas of the Jesuits; and the French diplomatists wrote home that a middle and moderate party, in any manner reliable, no more exists in Rome than it does in Siberia or Patagonia. Were a shadow of such a party fabricated, and put up in power, it would require an army to keep it there; and this army should have a double front, one opposed to the priests and ultras, the other to the democrats. The termination of every French despatch from Rome has therefore been-Let us get out of this country as fast as possible.
The fact is, that this moderate party, of which the government is composed, cannot separate from the legitimists, cannot do without them, cannot throw them into opposition. Their ill-humor, What the Pope concedes is manifest from his their good understanding with the republicans, motu proprio. His first promise is a Council of would at once overthrow the president. Hence M. de Falloux must be retained, and the Pope and the priests must be conciliated. Louis Napoleon must not throw the religious banner to be caught at by the Duke of Bordeaux. The Pope knows his advantage. M. de Falloux's brother, an ecclesiastic, is in Italy, as a means of communication. To expect that Messrs. Barrot and Dufaure could bend the Pope, thus encouraged, is idle. His holiness has ceded no more, will cede no more, than is necessary to save appearances for the French cabinet, and enable it to make some lame show of defence before the Assembly.
Upon the public men of France, thus truckling and tergiversating, the letter of M. Mazzini has fallen like one of those flashes of lightning which illumine in the midst of darkness, allowing each man to read for a moment his neighbor's face. How a Frenchman should peruse such a document without wincing and blushing is difficult to conceive; and it has therefore been made ample use of. French writers so universally flatter their countrymen, that not even the "reddest" of them could have told the truth in the bold and uncom
promising language of Mazzini. The facts, too, of the letter are undeniable; the logic simple; and the ministerialists have nothing to reply, save to complain that the language is not polite. Poor Mazzini, just escaped from the battle-field and from the scorching ruin of his country, could scarcely be expected to write in courtly vein. He speaks to history and to posterity, and does not mince his words; and certainly Oudinot, and Barrot, and Corcelles, appear very contemptible pigmies in the face of his gigantic objurgation.
State, of which he does not say that even the majority shall be leaders. Then he promises a Consulta, a Senate to be elected by Provincial Councils, whose duty will be to offer advice on financial matters. The provincial councils are not to be elected directly by the municipal councils, but chosen from lists furnished by the latter. The motu proprio ends by the promise of an amnesty to all not expressly excluded; but as every Roman of liberalism and importance is excluded, the amnesty is but one more of the list of papal humbugs. There is little doubt, however, that with this the French government has determined to content itself! There cannot be a stronger corroboration of the truth of Mazzini's letter than such a termination of French professions and intervention.
M. MAZZINI'S LETTER.*-The letter of M. Mazzini to M. Falloux and M. de Tocqueville, (first published in the "Daily News,") fills the columns of the "Presse," the "National," and various other papers. The old hand of the "National" will be recognized in the following: "Powerful reasoning, a pitiless memory, perfect clearness. and convincing proofs, are the smallest recommendations of this solemn manifestation, which is the last cry of the Roman republic, miserably assassinated by the French republic. What principally strikes us in this document is the firm and grave tone, the deep conviction, the constant enthusiasm, the language becoming a man and a citizen, which all the art in the world cannot counterfeit.
letter of Mazzini is a sword-cut, falling straight and firm on the folds of the serpent which glides But, after all, Mazzini does too much honor to You have lied! These three words sum away. the French when he supposes them to have acted up the whole anathema; but what a terrible defrom political principles and from hatred to free-velopment they receive! How, under the inexdom. The Roman expedition was undertaken with the simple notion that there was a strong party of moderate constitutionalists at Rome, consisting of men like Barrot himself, Tocqueville,
orable pen of the Triumvir, are collected instances of disloyalty, treachery, forgetfulness, and acts of
*This is an admirable letter, too long for our columns. -L. A.
oppression, to the very moment when the writer | is not so much with the executive government as stops, not from having exhausted what he had to with the national assembly that the ratification of say, but because his patience failed him, and be-treaties rests. M. Thiers possesses sufficient cause he felt in himself the same disgust that he had just inspired his readers with, for all the wretched matters stripped of their solemn coverings, their pompous masks, their imposing mystery! Ah! we pity MM. de Tocqueville and de Falloux, now that they see themselves dragged before the supreme tribunal of public opinion, and when they have a foretaste of the just chastisement which awaits them at the tribune." While the "National" thus lauds the letter to the skies, the "Constitutionnel” denounces it for the grossness of its insults, exclaiming, "Each phrase is an insult, each expression an affront. It is, however, the style of the demagogical faction of which he is one of the leaders. Who can fail to recognize through this violence the brutality of its manners, respecting as little the laws of language as of nations?"
From the London Times, of 4th Oct.
credit with a large portion of the conservative majority, who admire his practical talents and obey his occult influence, to induce them to reject the treaty negotiated by Admiral Léprédour and Mr. Southern in its present shape. To the other perplexities of this embarrassing question, a ministerial defeat might thus be added; and the greater probability is that the French government will resume and continue its negotiations at Buenos Ayres without giving any great activity to its naval operations. The obvious inconvenience of this course is, that it affords a pretext to Rosas for the prolongation of hostilities, and that the commercial community may still long be excluded from the advantages to be anticipated from the pacification of the River Plate and the independence of Monte Video.
Another unpleasant and inopportune circumstance has just occurred in the relations of France with another portion of the American continent, which threatens to kindle a diplomatic quarrel with the United States. One of the strangest THE mail for Brazil and Buenos Ayres, which and most perilous consequences of the revolution leaves London this day, will take out a distinct of February was that the duties of representing intimation that the intentions of the French gov- the French republic in foreign countries were ernment with reference to a fresh expedition into suddenly thrust upon men utterly unqualified for the River Plate had been overstated; that no mil- such functions by education, station, or experience. itary armament is now contemplated at Brest; and The post of minister at Washington had been that the superior officer who succeeds Admiral intended for M. de Circourt, a gentleman who Léprédour in the River Plate will sail in com- united all these qualities in the highest degree, mand of a squadron of fresh vessels merely to and who had consented, from personal friendship relieve the ships and crews which have already for M. de Lamartine, and from patriotic motives, served their full time on that station, and are re- to proceed to Berlin in the first stormy days of called. We rejoice to find that this expedition is the provisional government. Instead, however, of disavowed or abandoned, not from any unworthy rewarding M. de Circourt's great services in Geror misplaced jealousy of its results, but from a many by the legation to the United States, M. de conviction that, as in the case of the expedition Lamartine allowed that position to be carried by projected some years ago against Madagascar, some republican intrigue in favor of a man utterly such an enterprise would lead to no result at all, unknown to fame, but who rejoices in the signifiunless it were undertaken on a scale far exceed-cant and captivating name of William Tell Poussin. ing that of the forces which the French govern- It seems, however, that M. Poussin has contrived ment might be disposed to despatch to South America in the present state of Europe. We should, moreover, have deplored any decided difference between the policy to be pursued by France and by England towards Monte Video and Buenos Ayres, for any such difference would not only have increased the jealousy and animosity which have occasionally broken out between French and English interests in that quarter, but it might be regarded as a triumph for Rosas to have succeeded in dissolving the formidable combination of the two leading maritime powers against himself.
The opinions of M. Thiers on the Monte Videan question are known to be extremely decided, and extremely hostile to the pretensions of Rosas. His influence is undoubtedly continually exercised against the species of compromise which had been proposed, and it must be borne in mind that by the present constitution of the French republic it
to leave a trace in diplomatic history before he could be superseded by a more suitable representative of the French nation. He was instructed to obtain from the American government some reparation or indemnity for losses sustained by French subjects in the course of the Mexican war; but he appears to have couched his demand in terms so unusual, or unbecoming, that the American cabinet immediately answered it by sending him his passports. This correspondence has not yet reached us, and we know little of the merits of the case, or of the effect it may produce in Paris; but in New York it had occasioned a sudden and remarkable depression of the public securities, and apprehensions had been excited as to the consequences of such a blow aimed at a sister republic, which amounts to an interruption of diplomatic intercourse. The probability is that as the affront seems to have consisted in form rather than in substance, and as it is impossible to impute to
France and the United States a serious intention | whether any complete and effective system of forof hostility, mutual explanations and the sacrificeeign policy can be founded or pursued.
of the diplomatist with the patriotic name will appease the wrath of these democracies.
[We do not believe that any free form of government would suit the French nation. That people needs an apprenticeship. But in the beginning it was evident to Americans that the single legislative body was a very dangerous and hopeless experiment. Mr. Walsh exerted himself to the utmost to lay before the constituent body, or influential members of it, the arguments in favor of a separate senate like ours. The foregoing article shows how ill the single body works in foreign affairs.-Liv. AGE.]
From the London Times
DESTINY OF CUBA.
WHOEVER has glanced at a map of the West Indies, must have noticed an island conspicuous above the rest for its size and its position. manding the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, and possessing one of the noblest harbors in the world, Cuba crowns by her political importance the com
teeming productiveness, and a climate which enjoys the genial warmth but escapes the fiercer heats of the tropics. The occupation of such an island must give strength and wealth to any nation. Cuba is the strength and wealth of Spain. She is the last fragment of the vast empire of "Spain and the Indies." Of all those splendid provinces which attested the genius of Columbus and the fortunes of the Escurial, Cuba alone is left, the earliest and the latest memorial of a brittle glory. When Cuba is wrenched from Spain, then will Spain be poor indeed. And, if our transatlantic reports prove true, this consummation is not distant.
But the more experience we acquire of this form of popular government, especially as applied to the foreign relations of great nations, the more apparent is it that they do not possess the art of keeping politicians out of hot water, or of guiding the course of empires by the strict laws of forbearance and the public interest. Any dispassionate and intelligent government, really master of its own resources and responsible for its decisions, would acknowledge the expediency of withdrawing in such times as these from such petty and sterile questions as those of the River Plate, and of avoiding every unnecessary rub in other parts of the globe; for the chief secret of strength, in politics as in war, lies in concentration. But the passion for display and the appeals which will be made to the vanity of the national | mercial advantages of a rich soil, a varied and assembly will probably prevent the adjustment of affairs in the River Plate, and possibly impart considerable acrimony to this fresh dispute with the cabinet at Washington. To such questions, extreme publicity and popular debates on pending negotiations are what a current of air is to a fire; the spark which smoulders under the ashes, and might expire by a little neglect, is fanned into a flame which may reach every part of the edifice. For these purposes, the French constitution is infinitely below that of the United States, which has retained in the senate a body acting in the spirit of a privy council, yet endowed with the authority of a branch of the legislature. That institution has saved the honor and the policy of the United States in all its foreign relations, from the ratification of Mr. Jay's treaty in 1794 down to the convention for the partition of the Oregon territory; and it may be affirmed that many of the transactions most essential to the peace and real interests of the nation would have been frustrated by the factious divisions or the unreflecting temper of more popular assemblies. In France no such institution exists, and the more delicate and arduous the foreign relations of the republic may chance to become, the more impracticable will it be to maintain the due authority of sound policy, justice, and wisdom. The executive government ceases to have power to act up to its own convictions; the most far-sighted statesman finds his horizon circumscribed by the prejudices or passions of the multitude; and the exercise of power is clogged with such restraints that its It is true that the President has officially and duties are lowered and its responsibilities weak- authoritatively discouraged the project of Cuban ened. The history of the treaty for the pacifi- annexation. It is true that he has warned the free cation of the River Plate will probably illustrate corps of armed adventurers, with which the easton a small scale this tendency of the present in- ern ports were rife, that the occupation or invasion stitutions of France; but we shall see the same of territory belonging to a friendly power is a difficulties recur on every occasion on which the violation, not only of international, but of Amercourse of the government is liable to be counter-ican law. It is also true, we believe, that these acted by personal opposition or popular clamor. dissuasives and prohibitions are not merely formal Under such conditions it is more than doubtful and illusory. We are inclined to believe that
There are but two powers in the world who could occupy the island with profit; but there is none which could occupy it without dishonesty. The two to whom the occupation of Cuba would be profitable are Great Britain and the United States of America. The former has a sort of equitable lien upon it for the money she has lent to Spain. The latter has not even this right to it. Both are equally able to make themselves masters of it by force. In the hands of either, perhaps, its eventual fortunes might be the same. The possession of it by Great Britain would crush slavery and the slave-trade in the western seas. In the hands of the American republic it would aggravate the causes of dissension between the abolitionists and their opponents; and by the menace of a rupture insure a compromise in favor of the slaves. But to neither can it be annexed without treachery or injustice, or the combination of both.