ity. You have habituated men to obey servilely by popular acclamation. When these delusions and to kill their fellows, and can it surprise you were in the height of their evanescent glory, we that these men return to violence ?" did not scruple to deny their reality, and to dispute have since placed them beyond dispute. Nor is it our intention in any way to augment the soreness and discontent which are the natural result of experience so dearly purchased. That experience is the true foundation of political power in free nations, and the next time the Germans set to work to erect an empire, we trust they will not select a quicksand for the site of the edifice. As it was, the attempt they made fell little short of moral, political, and historical impossibility. The state of society in Europe is radically the possibility of their accomplishment; but we wrong in many respects, and a standing martial have forborne, from respect to the German nation, police is one of its fundamental mistakes. The to insist upon the complete confirmation of the grand essential to tranquillity is confidence. But opinions we then entertained, by events which confidence cannot be produced by force. On the contrary, distrust is the natural result of that sort of agency. And hence it is, that there is not in fact, nor can be, in Europe, any settled confidence between the governing and the governed. And that public distrust naturally extends itself to private life. Among the disclosures which every revolution in those countries makes, and especially where military force has been most relied on, is the fact of a painful want of confidence between man and man, as well as between rulers and citizens. Fearful of the men in power, they are distrustful of each other. The trust that should be placed in the citizen and neighbor, in the community itself, individually and collectively, is transferred to the sword, which seems to say, and is made to say, But for me, you would quickly plunder and destroy one another! The King of Prussia had commenced his ostensible part in the movement of Germany by a proclamation calculated to inflame and gratify the wildest hopes of the democratic party, at the moment of its first ebullition; and, as he had just abandoned his own capital and humbled his own army by unlimited concessions to the revolution, there seemed no reason to doubt that the influence of Prussia would tend rather to swell the force of In these circumstances, we repeat, the sentiments and habits which can alone consist with this deluge than to arrest it. For many months the settled peace of a community, cannot be that was the case; every throne in Germany totformed. Respect for public order and the public tered as long as the Prussian monarchy was insegood, a sense of personal character and citizen-cure; and it remained uncertain whether a strange ship, individual as well as general patriotism, and mixture of dynastic ambition and revolutionary a cherished confidence, mutual and public-these, enthusiasm would not eventually consign every in such a condition of society, are sentiments of small account with the majority of the subjects, and indeed are quite lost with the million, for want of opportunity to act. Subjection to law is, with both rulers and ruled, a question of brute force, and whenever the people perceive that superiority of force is with them, authority goes down, of course. From the London Times, 21 Aug. POLITICAL STATE AND PROSPECTS OF GER- THE general aspect of affairs in Germany, and the position of Prussia, more especially with reference to the other Germanic powers, may be described as the exact opposite or counterpart of what they were just twelve months ago. The popular movement which had broken out in the days of March was then still at its height. If the unity of Germany was to be established within the confines of the Confederation, and if the power of the nation was to be extended as far on every side throne in Germany to ruin, and convert the King of the Prussians into the leader of a European revolution. That part was unquestionably within the reach of the court of Berlin; and to the honor of the king he rejected it. He rejected it, we have no doubt, from conscientious motives-from a recollection of the rights of others, and his own dignity-from a clearer sense of the local interests of his kingdom and of Germany. But Prussia could pursue no middle course; the consequence of the king's refusal of what they called an imperial crown was an immediate rupture with the revolutionary faction, which had hitherto screened its operations behind the Prussian party, and civil war broke out in the weaker states of Saxony, Rhenish Bavaria, and Baden. The cabinet of Berlin immediately took the lead in the repression of these serious disturbances; Dresden was saved in part by Prussian grenadiers; and a campaign on the Upper Rhine brought the Northern Germans to the frontiers of Switzerland, and even appeared at one moment to menace the Helvetic Confederation and the Canton of Neuf as the German tongue is spoken, the Frankfort chatel. The minor princes, who had been conAssembly and the Central government were the vulsed with terror during the revolution, by a sense engines of these important changes, and the su- of their own defenceless condition, especially preme representatives of the national will. If since the fatal example of the military revolt in Prussia was to receive the blessings of a representative system of government, and to become the ostensible chief of that renovated empire, these institutions were to stand on the broadest basis of democracy, and to be sanctioned in the first instance Baden, were eager for an arrangement which might secure for them the protection of Prussia, and the position of the great nobles of Germany. Even when Prussia seemed to be the chosen head of the Frankfort democracy, the little princes waited not even to learn her decision, but acquiesced in those the part of foreign powers to abstain from all un proposals on any terms. Much more likely were they to cling to Prussia when she had more distinctly shown that she was not unprepared to draw the sword against the excesses of the revolution; that her army was all-powerful and trustworthy, and that she could stem the torrent which was sweeping them away. The Hohenzollerns of Southern Germany, lords of territories not exceeding in size a small county, abdicated their sovereignty in favor of the royal branch of their house; and thus the ascendency of Prussia throve and struck its root abroad by her successful opposition to those principles which she had affected last year transiently to adopt. The aspect of Germany is, therefore, changed, and Prussia herself is now governed by men whose energetic policy is at present supported by a majority of the new chambers, strongly adverse to the revolution. But, though her means of influence are altered, the objects to which she is tending are the same; her ascendency is advancing, but it rests on a popular basis, and the slightest due interference in the relations of the German States; and even the attack on Denmark could not rouse the chief states of Europe from their system of observation and neutrality. But to preserve these relations it is essential that Germany, and each of the German states, should avoid such internal changes as would materially alter the balance of power. It is impossible that any French government should view with indifference the extension of the military power of Prussia along the whole frontier of the Rhine. Nor would the commercial interests of Great Britain learn without apprehension that measures were contemplated to interfere with the absolute independence of the free port of Hamburg, whose transactions are so nearly connected with those of our own mercantile cities. These considerations, added to the increasing reluctance of the people in Germany to yield an unqualified submission to Prussian ascendency, will doubtless warn the court of Berlin not to presume too much upon the strength of its position. It has imposed on Germany a lasting debt of gratitude imprudence on the part of the cabinet of Berlin for the energetic repression of a formidable revolumight give the signal for fresh convulsions within tion; it will, we hope, take the lead in the pacific the German states, or a more direct remonstrance establishment of constitutional government; but, Acting, we are inclined to believe, as much on his own mere motive as the instance of others, tunately at hand against such excesses of power. Pope Pius has already replaced the most odious | Pope Pius, if unsupported by foreign arms, will machinery of the old Papal government, with speedily be taught, by the undismayed resolution every circumstance of abruptness and injury. As of the Roman people, to what point his dominion if for the purpose of bringing two extremes into legitimately extends; and if, on the other hand, following from the London Herald is a fair repre-week become the creature and tool of Russia, such sentation of the general voice :considerations force themselves on the attention of the casual observer. from other parts of Europe. The Prussian troops are now looked upon all over Germany as the forces most opposed to the twe passions of uncontrolled freedom and of local independence. The Prussian regiments returning from Schleswig were fiercely attacked in the streets of Hamburg, partly by the anarchists, but far more by that spirit of independence which is the life of the commercial freedom of the Hanseatic cities; for Hamburg still stands aloof from that political union which she knows to be the forerunner of the most calamitous commercial restrictions. In the southern provinces on the Rhine, which have been devastated and demoralized by a frightful insurrection, the Prussian army is viewed with sullen animosity; and, as the Grand Duke of Baden finds himself, on his return to Carlsruhe, wholly dependent on his powerful auxiliaries, the military occupation of the country is the sole support of his government. On the other hand, the southern powers of Austria, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg, have not been slow to avail themselves of this increasing jealousy and popular hostility to the Prussian influence. They are even accused, we hope without reason, of fomenting that spirit of anarchy from which Prussia has most effectually contributed to save them, and of an attempt to revive the obsolete pretensions of the Archduke John. These are dangerous and unworthy tricks, if they have been resorted to; but at the same time, it bodes no good to the union of Germany that, in these critical times, the Assembly or Diet of the Confederation has ceased to exist in any distinct or lawful form, and that the policy of the northern and southern courts is more divided, if not opposed, than it has been at any moment since the formation of the Germanic body. There is, we doubt not, a strong disposition on if these events are to raise the character and station of Prussia in Germany and in Europe, their effect must be gradual, and their results must be equally remote from revolutionary violence and from military aggrandizement. From the London Times, August 20. AFFAIRS OF ROME. THE relations of the Papal government with its own subjects and with the French republic are daily assuming a character of signal iniquity. It is evident from the conduct of Pius IX. that he entertains no intention of compromise in those political differences which drove him into temporary exile, but that his authority has been resumed with the deliberate resolution of carrying out to their full extent those traditional principles of administration which have hitherto so equivocally characterized the States of the Church. We have reasons for surmising that this resolution is not of very recent formation. It would have been no unnatural result if the violent measures of the insurrectionary party in Rome, following, as they did, so closely on the liberal overtures of the pontiff himself, had induced some reactionary sentiments; but we are not without an opinion that the determination now shown on the part of his holiness, to maintain in their full integrity all the abuses of an essentially corrupt administration, was of earlier growth than the revolutionary schemes of the late conspirators. It is even possible that in the first passages which occurred between the respective heads of the Papal states and the French republic some such doctrines were candidly avowed, but all perplexities on this point are removed by the fact that the pretext on which the overt intervention of France was at last effected was the establishment of good government in the States of the Church, and not simply the restoration of an ecclesiastical prince to the chair of St. Peter. We have no reason, as we remarked, for concluding that the measures recently adopted at Rome express anything but the deliberate conception entertained by the pontiff of his own privileges and opportunities. There is, however, a remedy for suggestive contrast, he has superseded Mazzini's triumvirate by one of his own nomination, and has apparently left these commissioners of sovereignty in the unfettered exercise of discretionary power. They have proceeded accordingly to the enactment of every ordinance which could insult the gentry, aggravate the middle class, infuriate the populace, and alienate the provincial municipalities. Pope Pius has been the first to supply by his own conduct a proof that the Roman people were really unanimous, and that with sound reason, in desiring a change of government. It has hitherto been plausibly argued that the acts of the democratic triumvirate were not the acts of the people of Rome, but the measures adopted by the restored pontiff are well calculated to assure the world that all must have stood alike in their opposition, since all are subjected to the same retributive penalties. Pius IX. has not chosen to throw himself on the good will, the good sense, the affection, or the generosity of any one class of his subjects. He has kept himself aloof from his kingdom; has garrisoned his capital with foreign bayonets, and has commissioned a triumvirate, whose very names are symbolical of misgovernment and tyranny, to dispose of the liberties and fortunes of his people, while he disports himself in the pleasures of a congratulatory tour. It has been sometimes said that the effective reformation of the Papal government must necessarily be tantamount to a revolution, and that such a measure is absolutely incompatible with the temporal power of the head of the church. We will not touch upon that assertion at present further than to say that it is certainly not for the interest of Pope Pius and his consistories to give a practical proof of its correctness. If it can indeed, be decided that the good government of the Roman states is essentially inconsistent with the temporal supremacy of the pontiff, the conclusion is not likely to be that the pontiff must therefore be supported by the opinions of Europe in governing ill. Surely it might be conceived that a Pope, and especially such a Pope as Pius IX. had once professed himself, could be reconducted to his capital without indulging in the puerile or vindictive freaks of a Spanish Bourbon! Yet, if we look dispassionately at the decrees which have issued from the conclave at Gaeta, we shall be driven to conclude that no restored sovereign ever warranted the proverb regarding such characters more completely than this once popular and benevolent Pope. the arms of foreigners are still employed in his protection, he can only govern in conformity with that power on whose protection he depends. The ministry of the French republic has openly expressed upon this point opinions wholly irreconcilable with the recent ordinances of Gaeta. In these opinions they will be confirmed by the feelings of the French people, and they must be well aware that, even if their predilections took another direction, it would be scarcely practicable for a power so circumstanced in its foreign relations as France to provide for the permanent maintenance of a Pope in his own capital by force of arms. If such a Guelph faction were once established, the old Ghibelline antagonism would not long be wanting. All things however concur, at present, in suggesting a different solution of the problem. Excepting the court of Naples, whose incapacity of service in the hour of danger has been practically shown, there exists no state whose opinions or interests are involved in supporting the extravagant claims of the Pope and his cardinals. M. de Tocqueville disavowed any such intentions on the part of his own government, and the French soldiery, whose demeanor, under existing circumstances, partakes of a certain independence of expression, have evinced a decided leaning toward the cause of the citizens among whom they are now quartered. Austria has not been backward in a similar declaration of sentiment, and there remains no power to which the Pope could turn for support in his unbecoming and ill-considered hostility to the claims of his people. To such a pitch have his three commissioners carried their measures of resentful reaction that a fresh outbreak of popular violence was daily anticipated; and although no such insurrection could be successful against the present garrison of the city, yet it was by no means certain how far the coöperation of this garrison might be counted on, now that the merits of the case had been placed clearly before them. It would, however, be far more in the interests both of Rome and Europe that Pius IX. should be distinctly taught his duties by those who have won the right to such remonstrance, than that Central Italy should again be consigned to the caprices of a democratic faction, under worse conditions than before. DISMEMBERMENT OF HUNGARY. THE English press is unanimous in crying out against any dismemberment of Hungary, and the From the Spectator, 8 Sept. EUROPEAN NEWS. It is because we desire not the dismemberment of the Austrian empire, and should wish to see that empire great and powerful, that we would press on the other cabinets of Europe the necessity of now interposing by negotiation-and of endeavoring to secure to Hungary that which is constiDIPLOMACY preserves its secrecy, and report tutionally and legally her right. In uttering this now describes the congress of princes at Frankopinion, we adhere to the views which we expressed fort as one "to settle the German question." seven or eight months ago, antecedently to the We defy any power included within "Germany" period when the Hungarian cause was encumbered to "settle" any great section of the European with the help of many mouthing demagogues of the metropolitan boroughs, and of the great manuquestion. The rivalry of Austria and Prussia facturing towns-demagogues who but repeat the would forbid that, even if states beyond Germany stereotyped articles which we have seen in one were not complicated in the affair-Hungary, daily and three or four weekly journals, and which Venice, Lombardy, and many more. They may all evidently proceed, with a slight variation of patch up the central authority or "diet," but phrase and possibly for some very well understood they can "settle" nothing. Kossuth denounces cause-from the same workshop. That such meetings, or such arguments or articles as have been Görgey's "shameful ingratitude," and several recently urged and written in favor of Hungary by circumstances strengthen the impression that some of our ultra radicals, and one daily and sev- Görgey surrendered on grounds of policy rather eral weekly prints here, could have in any way sub- than from absolute exhaustion: in other words, served the great cause at issue in Hungary, we Hungary abruptly broke off the war without havmore than doubt. The position of the question is ing been subdued; she yielded her cannon, but now, however, such that diplomacy may fittingly retains her self-possession; and her chiefs, on intervene, when the crash of arms and the more noxious babbling of ten-pounders have ceased; and returning to their Austrian allegiance, become a we trust that Viscount Palmerston and her maj- party within Austria whom it will not be safe to esty's ministers will lose not a moment in coöperat- dispose of by any congress of princes at Franking with the French government, in urging on the fort. The Emperor of Russia is at Warsaw, cabinet of Vienna the long neglected truth, that by lavishing honors upon Prince Paskiewicz, the acting in a legal and constitutional spirit towards Hungary, that kingdom may be won back to a loyalty and enthusiasın such as prevailed in the time of Maria Theresa. Nothing but such a course as this can pacify Hungary, save Austria, or secure tranquillity for any length of time in Europe. recipient of Görgey's semi-voluntary surrender; and the imperial letters are couched in terms of "candid and deep-felt gratitude," which attest the previous solicitude. Venice yields unvanquished in spirit; on the contrary, she has learned to know that a spirit which was thought to be drowned in the lagunes still dwells in the Queen of the Adriatic. "A congress to settle the German question" must fail for insufficiency of au The moment appears opportune for peace and reconciliation; for though Hungary has learned her own strength, and Austria her own weakness, in late encounters, yet the best and most enlightened men, both in Austria and Hungary, feel that a great and enduring empire can only exist by an in- thority, of power, and of the locus standi. Its timate union of the two kingdoms by the union of success might be mischievous even to "the the empire of Austria with the kingdom of Hungary. princes" concerned, since it might tend to superThis being so, we trust the constitutional Emperor sede the European Congress which is so much of Austria will henceforth act and feel as though needed. he were King of Hungary, and king on the con Certain portents make us suppose that such an dition of respecting the laws and constitution of the idea is not yet abandoned among the secret counMagyars. If the obligations which Austria has incurred to Russia could by any manner of means cils of diplomacy. The friends of the royal classinterpose an obstacle to this great duty of the Aus-es are busy in keeping their merits before the trian emperor and his cabinet, such obligations public: "A Legitimist" describes the Comte de would become a European calamity, disturbing the Chambord, of " noble" countenance, pure and exalted" mind; an Orleanist describes the ingenuous patriotism of Louis Philippe; a Bonapartist, namely, the Prince-President Louis Napoleon, orally advertises his own qualities as a legitimist balance of power, interfering with the volition of an empire, and the happiness and constitutional rights of a dependency. But we trust that Russia will now see fit to withdraw her armies from Hungary, and by her wise counsels prove a disinterested friend, and not a dangerous ally. It is impossible, and conservative! All these parties speak as if however, to conceal from ourselves or others the their merits were under some critical consideradangerous precedent that has been created by this tion. There is a talk in Paris of revising the Muscovite interference, and the large margin which Constitution of 1848-which could hardly be done such interference gives to Russia to intrigue in Austria, in Hungary, in the Danubian principalities, and even in Turkey itself. If there were a wise or honest government in France-or an able president-such aspects of the subject might be in a great degree disregarded. But with a Louis Na- selves and their adherents. Princes and diplopoleon Bonaparte president, who may within a matists are liable to a sort of judicial ignorance, without some countenance from without. It is to be hoped, however, that the congress of 1850, if it be held, will be no new conspiracy of the princes to parcel out Europe among them THE COMFORTABLE STATE OF EUROPE. To the Editor of the “Examiner :” which makes them refuse to see much; the information presented for their use, specially winnowed from the chaff with which it is found in journals and public report, is also imperfect, and often Europe is now in that comfortable state in which spoiled by tampering; and the training of royal all men in power, whatever their politics or their or official people often makes them at the mercy, countries, wish to see her. Everything is settled ; not only of defective information, but also of de- no commotion, no demonstration. The most specfective informability. This ignorance might lead ulative and the most ardent must alike acknowledge a congress terribly astray, if effective steps were that it is too late for interference or for intercesnot taken to ascertain the necessities and opportu-sion. The master and arbiter of Europe sees nities of the time. It is desirable to reestablish Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Turkey, governing power within the states of Europe; but crouching at his feet, and France become his swordin order that it may be a valid power, strong to bearer. Forty years ago the nations had little rule and to endure, it should possess all the mod- comparatively to fear from Bonaparte. His rashern aids and appliances of political power, includ- ness and cupidity were the harbingers of his overing popular sanction. SWITZERLAND. - The fact of an intended intervention by Russia, Austria, and Prussia, in Switzerland, is certified by an apologetic and explanatory article in the Paris Assemblée Nationale, a paper habitually receiving inspirations from the absolutist courts. The Morning Post vouches the rumor of Swiss invasion as containing more truth than many late rumors, and states that some Austrian troops have absolutely marched." The following is the Assemblée's article : throw. But Russia is guided systematically by watchful and thoughtful, prompt and energetic, ministers. Every step of hers is considerate and firm, is short and sure; she is exhausted by no hasty strides, she is enfeebled by no idle aspirations. France believes it to be her interest, and fancies it to be in her power, to divide the world with her, and if two such nations, with ambition in accord, are resolved on it, what power upon earth can effectually interpose? It was the project of Napoleon to form a western and permit an eastern empire. He imagined the will could do everything; but no two natures are so distinct as the wilful and the wise. Never had man a quicker sight than Napoleon on the field of battle, or a shorter in the cabinet. His folly, and not our had decided amongst themselves on the partition of Switzerland, on the foundation of the several wisdom, saved us. What are we now to do? nationalities that compose it. We are in a position Russia has already crushed and subjugated the to affirm that such an absurd idea never entered the thoughts of European statesmen. No doubt, the journals which publish it desire to deprive the European intervention in Switzerland of its real meaning. This meaning we will explain. Some French, Belgian, and German journals of the Rhine, have been giving for the last few days the incredible intelligence that the great powers bravest, the most free, the most high-minded people on the continent; France has thrown Italy back into the grasp of Austria; the Germans hammer out and lay down laws, for troops of royal horse to ride over; England is laden with insolvable Perhaps A partition would be odious, and contrary to treaties; and what is required, on the contrary, is debts and unserviceable steam-boats. a return to the letter of these very treaties. The there may, however, be time enough left her to fundamental conventions of Switzerland recognize counteract that power which she alone has been the independence of the small as well as the large able to contend with, and lately might have coerced. cantons: now demagogues have destroyed the lib- France is neither able nor willing to stand up erty of the smaller cantons, and this state of things against that Colossus which strides from Archangel cannot be allowed to exist. By treaties, the authority of the King of Prussia over Neufchatel is to Ormuz, over the snows of the Balkan, and over recognized; now that sovereignty must be pro- the sand banks of the Persian Gulf. England, by claimed anew. No principle of international right timely assistance to the Hungarians, would have can authorize Switzerland to become the receptacle of all the refugees of Europe, in such a way as will allow the agents of permanent conspiracies to saved Turkey and secured Egypt. Neither the Turks nor the Hungarians can look forward with confidence to another such opportunity. An English fleet in the Black Sea, at the invocation of the be directed at will towards Germany, France, or Italy. This state of things must cease. Austria thinks it necessary, in the interest of the special Turks, would have resuscitated the Circassians safety of the Lombardo-Venetian territory, to occu- and the Polanders. Engaged with every dispospy that part of the canton of Tessin which stretch-able regiment against Hungary and Transylvania, es to the St. Gothard. This pretension may be con- the formidable monster of the north could have tested, for it is not in the treatics; but in this Aus- made vestigia nulla retrorsum; it must have perished tria is supported by Russia. Such is the real state in the pitfall. A long series of future wars might of the Swiss question. Nothing more is required thus have been prevented. Before two years are on one or the other hand; but we think we are in a position to know that, in order to reach these ends, the powers are decided to follow the same system of firmness and resolution that they have followed in the sad affairs of Italy and Hungary. over, we must inevitably be engaged in one most formidable; one entered into, not for the interests of our commerce, not for the defence of our allies, not for the maintenance of our treaties, not for sympathy with that brave nation now trampled on, |