own image shall be everywhere reflected in them; who stands alone in the plenitude of power," when all other authorities have been destroyed in the collision of popular turbulence; and who, when the whole world has bowed down before him, and he has trampled for a short space on the necks of kings, and bathed himself in the blood of saints, shall be cast down suddenly and awfully by the presence of Christ himself. And if an organization ever existed, or could even be imagined by the mind, completely realizing such a fact, entirely absorbing a whole enormous community in the person of a single individual, and giving to him this temporary omnipotence, it is the fearful Society which has arrogated to itself exclusively the name of Christ; and which having, in the nineteenth century, been resuscitated as the express servant and instrument of Popery, is its true organ and representative--the Constitution of the Jesuits.

Considerations like these ought to be pressed home to the minds of those who, in their dread and dislike of one extravagance in religion, are inclined to look too leniently on its opposite extravagancies; and to forget the sins and the dangers of Popery in the sins and dangers of Dissent. But Dissent, with all its evils, cannot be the enemy which Christianity has ultimately to fear. It has no organizing principle to give it permanence of sway. It may have its outbreak of an hour, startling the world with its explosions; but the evil power which is to come in the last days, and which not only Scripture has foreseen, but the deepest of human philosophers,* while tracing the progress of society, has almost as minutely described--this power must be something higher. It may draw within it the spirit of Democracy, and shape it to its purpose, but it cannot be itself Democracy, which has no stability; not Liberalism, which has no principles; nor Atheism, which has no foundation in the reason; nor Blasphemy, which shocks the ear; nor Sensuality, which disgusts the eye. It must appear in a holy garb, under holy pretences, and with a show of truth and wisdom. And if with this, in Popery, is blended a spirit which really fraternizes and assimilates itself with all the worst forms of popular licence, it reconciles the two seemingly contradictory conditions; it solves the problem of the prophecy; and may at least require to be watched with no little alarm.

With jealousy and alarm—let us conclude-against the system; -and not hatred but pity towards the individual, or the Church, in which the system is struggling, with more or less success, for its final and perfect developement.

Such is our learned and pious author's conclusion ; and one consideration, with which we will close, inust press his cha

* Platu de Repub., lib. xii. * VOL. LXXI. NO, CXLI.



ritable doctrine home to the minds of Englishmen--the state of our own country.* If there be a spirit of evil working from the beginning in the world, and struggling to raise up an Antichrist to confront and battle with the spirit of good upon earth ; and if it be for that purpose suborning and moulding to its hands one great branch of the Catholic Church, tempting it with the apple of knowledge and with the lust of power, as it tempted our first parents-and if Providence has severed from the impending corruption, and raised up a witness to the truth, and an antagonist against the evil, in the person of the English Church--and if against this Church, as against their most dangerous foe, the powers of evil have gathered and fought from the beginning, in the hope that with her destruction the conquest of the world would be easy-it would be no strange thing to see an Antichrist, stamped with the same marks and leagued to the same end, rising up secretly upon our own ground, and aiming the same blows at the Church, though under a different disguise. Let us ask ourselves if this is not the case.

If Popery has tampered with the faith once delivered to the saints by adding to it, the ruling power of England—the boasted “Spirit of the Age '-has taken from it. It has introduced a system of education without a creed, or with a creed composed by itself, and omitting every article with which heretics might presume to quarrel. If Popery in its curious profaneness has threatened to touch the most holy and awful doctrines of the faith the Trinity, and the Divinity of our Lord, -the British legislature has fraternized with itself, and classed, under the common pretence of Christianity, sects which openly deny both. If Popery has her adoration of images, the British empire has a worship of Mammon- a system framed upon the acknowledged axiom that wealth is the good of nations and of man, and impregnated with that spirit of covetousness which the Scriptures declare to be idolatry. If Popery has her worship of saints, England too has her pantheon of heroes, and poets, and kings, and philosophers, and statesmen, to whom it points the eye of the nation for imitation and reverence, as if they held in their hands the laws and dispensations of good and of knowledge, and whom it canonizes and consecrates in the very temple of God, though the Church knows nothing of them. Like Popery, the age has its miracles-its miracles of art and science, on which it builds its power and claim to obedience, and by which it would cheat the mind to rest contentedly in the wisdom of its system, and to recognize its almost supernatural command over the elements of the world. Popery has trifled with the sanctity of marriage. But the age has its * See Lect. vi. p. 46.


Malthusian theory; and the British legislature has been compelled, openly and authoritatively, to desecrate the marriage tie. Popery has its extravagancies of asceticism; but there is an ascetic and monastic system now established in the manufacturing districts and in every parish union of England-compelling, as a punishment upon poverty, that abstinence from domestic comfort, that harsh sad labour, that negation of all bodily enjoyment, which Popery only prescribed as a duty for the improvement of sanctity, or the mortification of sin. How far such a system be necessitated by the circumstances of the country we do not say. That it does exist—that it may be necessary—that men, who in their hearts condemn it, feel themselves compelled to submit to itthis must, surely, be sufficient to alarm a Christian at the condition of a nation which has generated such a system.

It would be painful (though not difficult) to trace the parallel much farther. One great feature indeed our mystery of evil wants; the one which round even the sins of Popery throws something of interest and dignity, and captivates the imagination even to delude the reason. It has no unity; it struggles indeed for power; it centralizes, subordinates, systematizes, strives to spread itself into every province of society, to raise up future generations impregnated with its own principles, and to choke and trample on every root from which a different spirit may spring up. But it is too gross and monstrous in its first axioms, too palpably opposed to religion and truth in even its pretensions to them both, for it to obtain among mankind an extensive or durable sway. Every democracy, sooner or later, will pass into a tyranny. Establish the rule of the many, and the

many must finally take refuge from their own crimes and follies in the rule of one. And thus when the features of Antichrist are traced in the spirit of the age, this is to be regarded only as a brief and passing manifestation of its power, coming before us under the form most tempting to our present state of mind, but in reality soon about to pass into some shape more like to truth and goodness, and, therefore, more dangerous to them both.

Another phase and form may still await it, and that phase be Popery. When the work of the demagogue has been accomplished, and an impoverished, bewildered, exhausted people is sinking down in the agonies of remorse and the darkness or despair of unbelief, Rome will be ready at its ear to offer its unction and its rule as the last and only refuge from the destruction into which it has plunged them; and if England once more become Rome's, how long will the coming of Antichrist be delayed upon earth? Absit, precamur omen!

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Art. VII.-1. The Anti-Corn-Law Circular... J. Gadsby,

Manchester. 1839-1841. 2. The Anti-Bread-Tar Circular. Gadshy, Manchester. 1811,

1842. 3. The Anti-Bread Tax Almanack. Gadsby, Manchester.

1841, 1812. 4. Daily Bread; or, Taxation without Representation resisted ;

being a Plan for the Abolition of the Bread-Tax— Give us this day our daily bread. By One of the Millions. Pp. 32.

1841. 5. Union, the Patriot's Watchword on the Present Crisis. . By the Rev. Henry Edwards, &c.

Pp. 24. Manchester and London. 1842. 6. The Lawcraft of Landeraft; with Legislative Illustrations.

By James Acland, one of the Lecturers of the National Anti

Corn-Law League. 7. Address to the Middle and Working Classes engaged in

Trade and Manufactures throughout the Empire, on the Necessity of Union at the Present Crisis. By Richard Gardner,

Esq., B.A. Manchester, 1842. WE are aware that the publications, the names of which we

have prefixed to this article, scarcely deserve to be considered as literaturethey are but a few specimens of the ephemeral spawn of incendiary tracts, advertisements, and placards, with which the Anti-Corn-Law Associations inundate the country. But, affecting to appeal to reason, and having no doubt considerable influence in some quarters, they bring themselves within our jurisdiction; and we on our part are not sorry to accept the occasion they present of bringing--as far as in us lies--to the tribunal of public opinion the foulest, the most selfish, and altogether perhaps the most dangerous combination of recent times. We hardly can except the great Jacobin league, generated by the French revolution ; because Jacobinism was a bold-faced villain,' enthusiastic and indiscreet, who avowed his real designs, and was therefore more easily dealt with than these hypocritical associations, which, 'grown, like Satan, wiser than of yore,' assume more cautious forms and more plausible pretences in pursuit of the same ultimate object. Indeed, this new League has in many respects fraternised with the old Jacobin spirit of enmity to our existing institutions, which has for half a century taken so many


various shapes, and which is now ready to join the new revolu-tionary banner, that substitutes for the vague motto of • Twe Rights of Man'the more intelligible but equally deceptive war-cry of .CHEAP BREAD.'

The Anti-corn-law agitation was for a time paralysed by the direction which the late outbreak in the manufacturing districts happened to take. The League had expected to be only lookers-on while the mob destroyed other people's property, and were equally surprised and stunned when some of the ruins glanced off on their own heads. They are now beginning to recover their spirits --we do not say their senses—for, instead of profiting by the experience they have just had of the danger, even to themselves, of exciting those whom, when once excited, they have no power to restrain, they are now busy reorganising a new agitation, and have even ventured to propose to raise by public contribution the sum of 50,0001., to give renewed vigour to their lawless crusadea crusade, indeed, we may call it-for, as we shall see presently, it pollutes and perverts the most sacred topics into incentives to pillage and bloodshed.

It is not our province to pronounce whether this levying money for the avowed purpose of forcing the legislature to alter the law of the land be not per se criminally punishable; but we will take upon ourselves to say that, considered in connexion with all the previous proceedings of those associations, it is illegal and in the highest degree unconstitutional. We cannot conceive that any man, entertaining the slightest respect for the law, the constitution, or even the public peace, would contribute to the funds of these associations, if he were aware of what their proceedings have been, and what, under the pretence of cheap bread,' their real objects indisputably are. The summary wủich we are now about to give of the history of these associations may, we hope, have the doubly salutary effect of opening people's eyes and closing their purses!

We feel this to be the more necessary, because, amongst other exertions towards forwarding this subscription, the advocates of the League have taken the bold line of denying—not of merely palliating, for that might look like repentance—but of utterly denying the violent language and proceedings that had been imputed to them. An assertion so extravagant, if it had been made by one of the usual organs of the League, we should have hardly thought worthy of notice -- but when we find it produced and circulated under the name and authority of a Peer of Parliament, it becomes so grave a matter as to deserve, we feel, to be probed to the bottom. A letter has been just publislied, addressed by Lord


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