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and we conceive that the law ought to interfere to prevent any persons but those who are duly authorized to practise from holding appointments as physicians or surgeons of hospitals, schools, or ships, or as medical attendants of the poor; and the same rule should extend to the different branches of the public service. On the same principle, the certificates of none but licensed practitioners should be received in courts of justice, nor should any others be enabled to claim the usual exemption from serving on juries and in parish-offices.
If we have been rightly informed, this is nearly the plan which Sir James Graham had intended to propose if he had introduced into parliament a bill, of which he gave notice in the last session, for regulating the medical profession. If that profession require any further protection, we take leave to say that it is in their own hands. Let them rely on their own skill, character, and conduct; let them discountenance among themselves all those who, though regularly educated and licensed, endeavour to delude or take advantage of the public, or to puff themselves into notice by unworthy means; let them claim for their art no more credit than it really deserves, nor make promises which they have not a just expectation of being able to fulfil; and we venture to assure them that they will have nothing to fear. They cannot make man immortal, but they can on so many occasions stand between life and death, and on so many others relieve the most grievous sufferings, that no one will refuse to admit that they are among the most useful, whilst they themselves must be conscious that they are among the most independent, members of society.
Art. IV.-Essai sur la Vie du Grand Condé. Par le Vicomte
de Mahon. (Ce livre n'est pas en vente. Il n'y a que cent exemplaires de tirés.) A' Londres. 1842. pp. 442. IR
his in French ; and the earliest historical pieces of Gibbon were in that language, of which he felt himself so completely master, that he long hesitated whether he should compose his great work in it or in English. Horace Walpole never attained perfect freedom in the colloquial use of French-at least, in one of his letters, dated shortly before his last visit to Paris, he speaks of his reluctance to mingle again in a society where he could never hope to appear better than half an idiot but his correspondence with Madame du Deffand is admitted by French critics to display a style of admirable purity. We believe
the French of Vathek is also considered by our neighbours as classical ; if we might presume to offer an opinion on the subject, we should say it is even better than the English of Mr. Beckford's Travels.' We are not aware that any other French composition by an English hand has received or merited much praise.* The present performance is more considerable in point of extent than any of those which we have mentioned ; and we do not anticipate that the judgment of Paris will pronounce it inferior to the best of them in point of execution. Jones wrote in French, because his subject was more likely to interest continental than English readers, and his mother tongue was then little studied on the continent. Walpole addressed French letters to a Parisian bluestocking. Gibbon in his youth was more a Frenchman than an Englishman-and in the circles whose notice he immediately coveted, nothing but French was spoken. Vathek, though not the first of Mr. Beckford's publications, was the first that he avowed, or that attracted notice at the time : it was produced, we believe, in his minority, and both written and printed abroad. That Lord Mahon, after acquiring high distinction as an historical writer in his native language, should have thought of composing an historical volume of 400 pages in French, will no doubt excite much wonder. The curiosity of such an attempt by a gentleman so situated is, as we have shown, unexampled among us. We should regret his choice if we did not hope and expect that, like Mr. Beckford, he will be his own English translator : meanwhile we have to thank him for a highly interesting and skilful narrative; and its opening paragraph will enable our readers to form their own opinion of the circumstances under which the foreign vehicle was adopted.
* J'entreprends, dans une langue qui n'est pas la mienne, l'histoire d'un héros étranger. C'est un délassement dont j'ai joui au milieu d'occupations plus sérieuses. Ayant trouvé un vif intérêt dans les aventures romanesques du Prince de Condé, et dans le caractère si beau et si touchant de la Princesse, sa femme, j'ai pris plaisir à recueillir et à combiner tous les traits qui s'y rapportent. Les Mémoires du temps m'ont fourni la plupart de mes matériaux, mais j'ai aussi eu pour guides, pendant une partie de ma tâche, l'illustre Sismondi dans son Histoire des Français, et l'excellent historien de la Fronde, M. le Comte de St. Aulaire. 'Mais pourquoi, me dira-t-on, vouloir écrire en Français ? Parceque à l'époque où ces pages me servaient de récréation, j'avais beaucoup à lire et à écrire en Anglais ; ainsi, écrire encore en cette langue eut été pour moi un nouveau travail, et non pas le délassement que je cherchais. Ensuite, en adoptant la langue de Conde, j'ai eu
* We are not ignorant that the great romance of “ Anastasius' was originally written in French—and we have no doubt Mr. Hope had perfect command of that language, else he would never have made such an attempt; but his French text was never printed.
l'avantage de pouvoir citer ses propres paroles, et de me pénétrer davantage de l'esprit de son temps. Du reste, je pense bien que j'ai dû faire des fautes ; d'autant plus que je n'ai consulté personne sans exception, ni en entreprenant cet ouvrage, ni en l'écrivant; qu'on me permette donc de réclamer, dès à présent, toute l'indulgence du lecteur.-Mars, 1842.'--pp. 1, 2.
Even more singular than Lord Mahon's choice of the French language on this occasion is the fact that it was reserved for him to collect and combine into a clear continuous narrative the French materials for the personal history of one of the most illustrious of Frenchmen. The bulky work of Desormaux appeared before some of the most curious of these materials were accessible; and even if the author had written at a later period he would have disdained to use them. The Essai Historique of Condé's own great-grandson is rather an éloge than a history. We are not acquainted with any other separate work on the life of this great captain, and from neither of these could any adequate conception of his personal peculiarities be derived. The deeply-interesting character and history of his unfortunate wife are very slightly touched upon either by the painful investigator of his campaigns, or the elegant apologist who inherited bis honours. Yet no great man ever owed more to a devoted woman than did Condé to Clémence de Maillé; nor was devotion ever more ungratefully repaid. By Lord Mahon the adventures of the princess are skilfully interwoven with those of her husband and commented on with a generous warmth of feeling which constitutes to ourselves the liveliest charm of this delightful book.
The titles (rather Flemish than French) of Conde and Enghien were brought into the family of Bourbon by the marriage of Henry of Navarre's grandfather with Mary of Luxembourg. Louis, the first Prince of Condé, was one of the ablest chiefs of the Huguenots, and died in 1569 on the bloody field of Jarnac. Henry, his son, became head of his branch at seventeen years of age, and soon distinguished himself by his gallant zeal in the cause of his cousin-german Henry IV. 'He died in 1588, leaving his newly-wedded wife with child of Henry, the third prince-who, unlike his father and grandfather, was bred up in Romanism. He married, in 1609, Charlotte de Montmorenci, the most beautiful woman in France.' Her charms, as she appeared at her bridal, captivated Henry IV., and though she was just sixteen years of age, and the king close upon sixty, she betrayed symptoms of satisfaction with her illustrious conquest, which induced the bridegroom to anticipate the fashion of wedding trips. He eloped with her to a distant chateau-the king pursued in disguise-and the pair proceeded to the Netherlands: but suspicion had taken
root—the prince soon quitted the fair lady's society, and she applied to the Pope to have her marriage cancelled, on the ground of non-adhesion, indulging a hope that if she were free the amorous king might contrive to divorce Mary of Medicis, and raise her to his throne. Henry, however, was murdered in the following year. The third Condé makes a prominent figure in every history of the stormy minority of Louis XIII., but never saw his wife again until 1616, when he was arrested and confined at Vincennes by order of the queen regent. The princess, upon hearing of tbis, at once stopped the suit for divorce, which had been creeping on for several years, and petitioned for leave to join her husband in his prison. It was granted on condition that she should be considered also as a prisoner-and her ready acceptance of these terms effected a reconciliation. Her first two children were born in the keep of Vincennes--which may thus be said to have saved the line of Condé, as well as witnessed its final extinction. After three years' confinement the prisoners were set at liberty; and Condé appears ever after to have been a most pliant courtier. Among other favours which he begged and obtained at the hands of his old enemy Richelieu, he had a grant of several estates of his brother-in-law, the Duke of Montmorenci, whom the Cardinal beheaded-including the three noble domains of St. Maur, Ecouen, and Chantilly—besides a new dukedom of Châteauroux, and the secularization of several abbeys. He more than once commanded the French armies, but never with much success, though his courage was worthy of his blood, and he was undoubtedly a man of talents.
The prince and princess had three sons, who all died in infancy, before the birth of Louis, who became the Great Condé, on the 7th of September, 1621. He received the title of Duc d'Enghien-but as the father, being first prince of the blood, was in court style simply Monsieur le Prince, so the heir, during the father's lifetime, was always talked of as Monsieur le Duc* He was a frail and feeble child, and seemed likely to be as short-lived as those that preceded him. He was sent to the castle of Montrond, of which the picturesque and majestic ruins still overbang the town of St. Amand in Berry. The prince had good reason to select a spot celebrated for the salubrity of its air-but it was supposed that he also contemplated the chances of a new disgrace at court, and was desirous of placing the only hope of his race in a situation of safety. Here the boy outgrew his ailments, and soon gave augury of the man, being imperious, cruel, amenable to no authority but only his father's—whom he always dreaded, and seldom disobeyed—yet by craft or daring * His signature through life was uniformly Louis de Bourbon.
converting all the females about him into the slaves of his caprice. When the period of womanly rule was over, his father gave him for governor a worthy private gentleman, M. La Boussière, who seems to have discharged a difficult duty with exemplary firmness. The faithful friend and servant, Lenet, whose Memoirs alone give details of those early days, represents both the governor and the father as watching the rapid development of the boy's talents with equal wonder and care, and combining their efforts to check and eradicate the savageness of temper which every now and then revealed itself. There is a particular record (which may have afforded a hint to the first chapter in Zeluco) of a severe whipping, in the prince's presence, for tearing out the eyes of a pet sparrow.
In due time La Boussière and two learned priests accompanied him to Bourges, where he attended the Jesuits College regularly during four or five years, being distinguished in the class-rooms by a balustrade round his chair, and by uniformly gaining the first prize for every species of exercise. His boyish letters to his father were printed in the Essai Historique, and they are evidently genuine productions, expressing feelings and thoughts of his own, in Latin which keeps improving as the time advances. We read of the precocious learning of princes with no disposition to credulity-but Condé was a real scholar, for his mind was eagerly curious and universally ambitious. He could no more brook to be second in the college than in the salle d'armes or the manège. He was the best fencer, rider, dancer of the place, as well as the best writer of themes, the quickest and most ingenious manufacturer of Sapphics and Alcaics. He studied history, especially the history of war and the history of France, with unbounded zeal and assiduity. He terminated a course of philosophy at twelve years of age, by publicly supporting two theses, according to the fashion of the time; and both were so good that his father had them printed. Like a dexterous courtier, he made the boy dedicate the first to the Cardinal, and the second to the King. He was thus already covered with honours of his own acquiring when he left Bourges. He had occupied during his residence there the fine hôtel built by Jacques Cæur, the famous goldsmith, i. e. financier, of Charles VII. It still exists, a superb monument of ancient art, and the open stone-work of the parapet exhibits the original inscription, on which the eyes of the youthful hero must have so often dwelt-à Caur vaillant rien impossible.
After leaving Bourges the duke remained for the most part at Montrond, pursuing his studies keenly, and hunting in the forest. His letters to his father indicate that his constant passion was the art of war; and Lenet tells us that the youth took comparatively