population of the island, not a single individual had been brought to account. He did not, therefore, intend, in moving the amendment, that all Barbadoes should be censured by it; but, as that society could not be in a sound and healthy state in which such outrages could be perpetrated with impunity, and not only perpetrated with impunity, but threatened to be repeated, he considered an expression of the sense of the House, upon so scandalous and daring a violation of the law, was absolutely called for.

offences which had been committed. He would take that opportunity of telling the West-Indians, that, so long as they continued to shew such a total indifference to the due administration of justice and the feelings of humanity, and such a contempt for the declared sense of that House and of the country, so long should he continue to take every opportunity of exposing unjust and unjustifiable proceedings.

Censure had been cast upon the Wesleyan Society at home, for having Dr. Lushington said, it appeared to manifested their disapprobation of certain him, that the hon. member for Lymington, resolutions published in Jamaica, by some (Mr. M.) had failedin making out a defence of their missionaries; but, instead of for the extraordinary conduct of the white censure, that body deserved the highest population of Barbadoes; whose supine- commendation for their immediate disness, under what had occurred, placed them claimer of the unauthorized acts of a few in a situation very little better than that of their missionaries, and for their bold of accessories after the fact. The magis- and uncompromising avowal of the true trates of that island had not only mani- principles of religion, justice, and hufested a culpable remissness in the dis- manity. That most respectable body charge of their duty, but had evidently had, very properly, declared their conshewn a disposition to secure impunity viction, that slavery was inconsistent with to those who had committed the most dis- Christianity. And, was there any man graceful outrages against the laws of the in that House who would rise up and say. island, and the peace of the community. that slavery was consistent with ChrisIt was not negligence, but wilful miscon- tianity?-that the mild and benevolent duct, that he imputed to some of those spirit of Christianity warranted a system, magistrates. It appeared, from the pa- under which the wife was torn from her pers on the table of the House, the cor- husband, the child from its parent, the rectness of which was not disputed, that sister from her brother? When gentlemen two of their magistrates, though cognizant set about founding measures of legislation of the outrage about to be committed, on such a system, the ground sunk from had concealed from the government the under them: there was nothing in nature knowledge of the illegal acts intended to or in reason to support the superstructure. be done; and they had thereby prevented It was no wonder that the House should the timely interference that might have feel itself in an embarrassed situation, stopped the commencement of the riots, with regard to the government of these or have enabled the governor to suppress colonies: for, whenever an attempt was them before the object was accomplished, made to legislate on a system of slavery, and to have detected and brought to difficulties would always arise, to perplex punishment the guilty: nor had the local and confound the sagacity of the most authorities, after the disapprobation of the skilful legislator.-He approved of the governor had been publicly declared, re- recent measures for sending out two deemed their character, by any zealous ex-bishops to the West Indies; but he sinertions to bring to trial the delinquents. He was satisfied that the magistracy of Barbadoes had no just feeling of the atrocity of these transactions, and that their errors were wilful. The utter inefficiency of the magistracy was not more to be censured, than the morbid state of feeling in the white inhabitants was deserving of reprobation. In what way had the Barbadians expressed their abhorrence of those scandalous acts? They had expressed no such abhorrence at all; and were, consequently, guilty of a criminal acquiescence in the

cerely regretted, that the first act of the
bishop of Jamaica should be, to appoint
the rev. Mr. Bridges as his chaplain-a
gentleman who was only known as the
libeller of Mr. Wilberforce. Such an ap-
pointment, he must acknowledge, had
considerably shaken the trust which he
might otherwise have been inclined to
place in the new establishment,
however he might differ from many of the
opinions of Mr. Wilberforce, he could
not avoid saying, that that enlightened
and benevolent man had, by his invaluable

For,

exertions to obtain an abolition of the barbarous traffic in human flesh, built up for himself a character, which time could not efface, and which was entitled to the applause and everlasting gratitude of every one who was an enemy of slavery.

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are in a perilous condition. The reproach
of slave-holding is as much as you can
endure. If you expect favour, if you
ask toleration from the people of England,
you must demonstrate, that slavery is not
inseparably connected with a host of
other and if it be possible, greater evils
than itself."-If I were merely an enemy
of slavery-if its extinction were the
single (as I admit it to be the chief) ob-
ject of my life-I should say—“ Go on-
persevere-pour needful conviction on the
minds of the most incredulous-demon-
strate to the world, that for eight hundred
thousand of our fellow creatures, there is
no mercy to be expected." "Proceed,"
I should say, open the eyes of the peo-
ple of England. You have had your
triumphs. The missionary Smith sleeps
in his grave, branded as a traitor-the
missionary Shrewsbury is an exile: his
persecutors keep the anniversary of his
sufferings, as a festival-the gallant Aus-
tin, because he acted with more true
heroism than the conquerors of Austerlitz
and Waterloo-because he singly stem-
med the torrent of persecution, has lost
his golden certainties of preferment, and
is at this moment earning the scanty bread
of a stipendiary curate in an English vil-
lage. Proceed, then, faster and faster:
you are doing our work; you are ac-
celerating the downfall of slavery. A few
more such triumphs, a few more such
speaking testimonies to the merits of your

Mr. Fowell Buxton rose to reply, and spoke as follows:-I hardly know, that it is necessary for me to trouble the House with any reply. No defence of the conduct of the rioters has been offered. The hon. under Secretary has borne testimony to the accuracy of my statement; and, the right hon. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has, with his usual manliness, given vent to feelings of indignation in language at least as strong as any that I used. Upon what, then, have we now to dispute? The facts are confessedly true the inference is undeniable. The right hon. gentleman alters a phrase or two of my resolution. With this I am abundantly contented: for he has left me -and that is all I care for-the declaration of the Commons of England, that we will have religious toleration in the WestIndies. I rejoice that the discussion has taken place. It has given an opportunity to my hon. and learned friend (Mr. Brougham) to state the course he will pursue in the next session; and every man who is interested in the welfare of the negro population will join me in considering his pledge, and the dedication of his most extraordinary talents to the cause, as the greatest matter of congratu-system-and the people of England, with lation which we have yet enjoyed. I would hope, however, that the planters will avert the necessity of his interference. I would entreat them to take warning, before it is too late; I would say to them, "You have interests greater far than any other class; and interests which will be decided by your conduct now. The Abolitionists would pretend, that such enormities as those which I have described, are natural to slavery. We do insinuate, that, in a state of society where one class are masters and the other slaves, there must be, and will be, cruelties, and blood, and a deadly hatred of all those who would impart knowledge or Christianity to the negro. But, it is your part to dispel the delusion, if it be one-to separate slavery from these its wretched accompaniments-to sever your system from a system of fierce persecution to give the people of England the satisfaction of knowing, that there is law and justice for the negro and his teacher. You VOL. XIII.

one heart, will abhor it, and with one voice will dissolve it."-But, enemy as I am to slavery-and nothing human shall win me or drive me to be any thing else than a foe to slavery-I am not for its rapid and terrible overthrow; and, therefore, I raise my voice in this House, warning the planters, that if they repeat these outrages-that if they will link persecution to slavery-slavery, which already totters, will fall.

The original motion, and also the amendment, were then, with the leave of the House, withdrawn, and

It was resolved, nemine contradicente, "That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to represent to his Majesty, that this House, having taken into their most serious consideration the papers laid before them, relating to the demolition of the Methodist chapel in Barbadoes, deem it their duty to declare, that they view with the utmost indignation that scandalous and daring violation of the law;

4 R

the continent poured in on them. They could not live as the people on the continent lived. They wanted more comforts and higher wages; and they entered into combinations to obtain those higher wages. If we now employed foreign shipwrights and seamen, we should drive our own men away to the ports of the Baltic, or to America. In his opinion, every branch of industry in this country ought to be protected. The House would not do this, and proposed rather to grind and oppress the people. The trade of the country was going to decay, under the new regulations of his majesty's ministers. He would put down combinations; but he would not allow of the introduction of foreign seamen, to the ruin of our maritime superiority.

pleased. The power of suing the clerk was no advantage to the public. If a judgment was got against the clerk in a civil action, and he could not pay, was the prosecutor to proceed against all the 7,000 partners? If a criminal action might be successful against the clerk, those who had the option of bringing it were placed in the difficulty of either punishing the innocent, or of abstaining from seeking any redress whatever. For the encouragement of companies of this kind it would, perhaps be thought necessary to repeal the act of Geo. 1st, called the "bubble act;" but, if that were done, he should not much care, for he could tell their lordships' that there was hardly any thing in that act which was not punishable by the common law. The Mr. Hume thought the hon. member learned lord re-stated the opinions he had completely misunderstood the nature of at different times in that House, as well the measure. Nobody in that House wish- as in the court of Chancery, delivered on ed to reduce the pittance of the labourer. the subject of joint-stock companies, and When individuals interfered to prevent concluded by moving, that the bill be other persons from taking work, or follow-read a third time that day three months. ing their own inclination, the law should give them protection.

Mr. Bright contended, that this clause introduced an entire new principle into our law, and wished it should be postponed, and made the subject of a separate

measure.

The clause was agreed to, and the bill passed.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, June 24.

EQUITABLE LOAN BILL.] Lord Dacre moved for the third reading of this bill. . The Lord Chancellor, in opposing the motion, said, he did so without the slightest intention of casting any imputation on the persons who composed this company; many of whom he knew were highly respectable. The learned lord then proceeded to show that the company was instituted on unfair pretensions. It was proposed, that it should lend on pledges sums under 10l. at a lower interest than the pawnbrokers. Now, as the number of persons composing the company might amount to about 7,000, was it fair that a body so constituted should compete with individuals? The result would be a monopoly, the establishment of which could not be for the interest of the public. This company might lend at a low interest, all competitors were driven out of the market, and then do as they

Lord Dacre said, that as to the advantages of the bill, surely, to lend small sums under 10l. at an interest of 20 per cent less than that charged by the pawnbrokers was of itself a benefit to the country. He contended, that the lord chancellor had not taken a correct view of the preamble of the bill. It embraced not only pawnbrokering, but also advances on goods and profits. The learned lord had also overlooked the effect of certain clauses in the bill, which made every member of the company liable in person as well as in purse. It had been admitted by the learned lord, that the bill had been drawn by an able hand; and he had the opinion of an authority, only second to the learned lord, that it contained nothing that could be legally objected to. The bill was calculated to afford great benefit to the country; and it would therefore, be matter of deep regret to him, if it should be rejected.

The House then divided: For the third reading; Content 14; Not content 27; Majority against the bill 13.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, June 24.

CONDUCT OF MR. KENRICK, IN THE CASE OF CANFOR.] The order of the day being read, for taking into consideration the petition of Martin Money Canfor, presented on the 14th [see p. 1143], the