for arms, as they could evidently be more readily 1807, discovered by day and it was urged, that the right of search should be confined to proclaimed districts, as it was provided for by the Insurrection Act. Mr. Perceval on the contrary insisted, that a period of tranquillity, namely, before districts were proclaimed, might be that, in which it would be most proper and necessary to act upon this law and search for arms, in order to take away the weapons of those, who might be disposed to dis turbance. That principle, Mr. Sheridan fairly observed, might be equally carried to England and Scotland*. On this bill Mr, Grattan himself seems to have been silent. But his whispering counsel Mr. Elliott, persisted in loudly deploring the necessity for it, and fastidiously quarrelled about the precarious duration of that necessity, for 12, 18, or 30 months. He was the only member of the opposition, who spoke for this unfounded and uncalled-for measure of suspending the constitution throughout all Ireland at once. He offered no evi

* One of the earliest proofs of the determination of the present administration to restore to full vigor and activity, the very little attempted by their immediate predecessors to let down or weaken the overbearing abuses of the Orange magistracy, came out on the debate upon the Arms Bill. Sir John Newport stated, that in the revision of the Wexford magistracy, Mr. Ponsonby had superseded a Mr. Jacob (notorious even in the body of the Wexford magistracy). Lord Manners reinstated him: and he celebrated the triumph of his restoration, by marching on the 12th of July into the town of Enniscorthy at the head of an Orange corps with all the insignia of their institution, which are so peculiarly obnoxious to the population of Ireland.

1807.

dence of any fact or circumstance to justify it: but most unaccountably attempted to prove the exigency of this unconstitutional coercion, by the vital necessity of Catholic emancipation, because Mr. Einmett hall assured the committee of the Irish Parliament, that the refusal of that measure was an efficacious means of promoting insurrection, The credit, which Mr. Grattan had given to Mr. Elliott's whispering suggestions of a necessity for the Insurrection Bill continued to work its effect upon some, who deprecated the Arms Bill. Mr. Lushington expressly declared, that though he saw the necessity of previously investigating the state of Ireland, and doing away the most objectionable parts of the bill, yet he could not refuse his assent to it, particularly considering the impression, which seemed to have been made on one of the best friends of Ireland, Mr. Grattan. The wicked principle of the bill rouzed some into the dignity of judging for themselves; and they rallied in defence of Ireland. Mr. G. Ponsonby said, "Sir, I rise to declare my "decided opposition to the principle of this bill. "I could not reconcile it to my conscience tacitly "to hear such a bill passed, much less to give my

assent to this wanton, uncalled-for, and tyran"nical suspension of the constitution of Ireland.

The state of Ireland is the best answer to the alleged necessity. It is both loyal and tranquil; "and in the charges, which have been made, and "the measures of coercion founded upon those charges, it is with regret I call it a calumniated and injured country. Some counties have been

"alluded to, in which a spirit of insurrection is

66

alleged to have`manifested itself. The county "of Tipperary has been particularly mentioned. "In answer, I can safely affirm, that from the “most anxious inquiry I have found such state"ments to be both incorrect and unfounded."

*1807.

position to

B II.

Lord Milton, Mr. Peter Moore, Mr. Whitbread, Violent opSir A. Piggott, Mr. Dillon, and, some others spoke the Arms also vehemently against the bill.. Some of them said, that in voting for the Insurrection Bill, out of respect and deference to Mr. Grattan, they had voted for a measure, which might only eventually take effect, and that partially and under peculiar circumstances: whereas the Arms Bill operated universally and unconditionally throughout the country. Mr. Sheridan said, that if the former bill seemed odious in its form and substance, this was ten thousand times more so; it was really abominable. But at the same time, as if it were meant to make the measure both odious and ridiculous, it was so constructed, as that it would plunder the people of their arms, and put down the trade of a blacksmith, Nothing like a blacksmith was to exist in Ireland, lest he might possibly form something like a pike.. If ever there were an instance, in which the liberties of a loyal people were taken from them, and they were thereby tempted to become disloyal, it was the present. Indeed from the general spirit, with which the bill was framed, he thought there only wanted a clause to make it high treason for any man to communicate either of these bills to Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor of the

འ

1507.

Various acts of the legis

cerning Ire

French, lest he should conceive them to be direct invitations to him to visit that part of his Majesty's Empire. But what had been done for the protection of Ireland? An experienced military officer, the Secretary to the representative of his Majesty, was sent up the Baltic, and they garrisoned Ireland with two arbitrary acts of parliament. The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the amendment, because the effect of it would be to bring the question respecting Ireland into discussion more frequently, than was consistent with prudence; and probably by such discussion inflame that necessity, which occasioned the adoption of this bill. Mr. Sheridan replied to the objection urged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that this objection was precisely the ground, upon which he would be content to rest the qualification of the vote he meant to give. For, so far from wishing to prevent, his anxious desire was, that the affairs of Ireland should be frequently and fully discussed. He deprecated the idea of blinking that question. It was of too much importance to be overlooked; and inasmuch as Ireland was essential to the existence of the Empire, its concerns were entitled to the first consideration of Parliament,

Nothing was so much dreaded by the ministers, Jature con- as the agitation of any question, that involved Ire inl. land. It naturally led to the pledges and tenure, by which they held their offices, Mr. Sheridan had given notice of his intended motion on the state of Ireland. The latter part of the session was chiefly devated to Irish matter. About a dozen acts were

passed in the last month of the session, for encreasing, regulating, and better securing the collection of taxes and excisable commodities, and preventing frauds. The commissioners of Kilmainham were enabled to regulate and grant pensions to soldiers, as the connnissioners of Chelsea Hospital were in England, The Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer was for conveniency made one of the commissioners for executing the office of the Lord High Treasurer in England, though without any encrease of salary, The Glebe-house act was amended: and the act for improving and extending the Irish fisheries was continued for 21 years. And acts were passed for allowing a certain proportion of the militia in Ireland voluntarily to enlist in his Majesty's regular forces, and for encreasing the Irish militia.

* It is notorious, that upon the whole of the Irish militia force far above two thirds of the men are Catholics: and it is well known, that the militia commissioned officers (except as to five or six regiments), are all Protestants, who use every plausible device to prevent their Protestant men from volunteering into the line. The only test required of these Catholic volunteers is the following path prescribed to be taken by that act." I swear to "be faithful and bear true allegiance to our Sovereign Lord King

George, and to serve hun honestly and faithfully in defence of "his person, crown and dignity, against all his enemies and op"posers whatever, and to observe and obey his Majesty's orders, "and the orders of the Generals and Officers set over me by his "Majesty, until I shall legally be discharged." 47 Geo, III. c.lv. s. xiii. As the legislature has thought this general oath sufficient to bind the fidelity of such Catholic soldiers, as volunteer from the militia to the line, can it be conceived, that it should not be made the test of military service, and be substituted in lieu of those other oaths, by the refusal of which the recruit incurs a

1807.