sentiments of a hireling, or a Government spy, than the pure and disinterested effusions of a christian pastor. At all events though I have long revolved the subject, and maturely considered it under all its bearings, with as much impartiality and attention as I could bestow upon it, I cannot for my part bring myself to relish the idea: I am indeed so heartily disgusted with innovations and revolutions of every kind, that I should prefer, by many degrees, the hly exceptionable and degraded footing, on which I have hitherto, as a Roman Catholic Clergyman, existed, to the risk of the many serious evils, which possibly might and would very probably arise from such a change. I have, you perceive, Sir, travelled tout bonnement over a great deal of ground. To an ordinary man I should feel inclined to make an apology for my intrusion: but when I reflect, that, however, interesting otherwise the subject may be, it is to a patriot a matter by no means irrevelant to be intimately acquainted with the nature of the situation of a body of men, by whose principles and conduct the great majority of his country is guided, I should consider it idle to offer it. And though in the present state of things in this country, it might by the generality of people be considered as ideotism, to you I do not hesitate to declare, that, making every due allowance for the birth, deficiency of early education, want of knowledge of the world, and the many other substantial disadvantages, with which the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland have to contend, their morality and good conduct in general is such, that however the derision and contempt of the world may attach to them, I have ever felt a conscious pride in belonging to the body. For the liberty I have taken I shall not offer an apology, as it has been caused solely by your own condescension, in hinting something not unlike a wish to be informed of the minutia, which I have here detailed. I shall therefore abruptly have done, by assuring you of the sincerity with which I have the honor to be, Sir, June 12th, 1806. Your most obedient, Thomas Newenham, Esq. Coolmore. No. II. Resolutions of the Roman Catholic Prelates in 1799. At a meeting of the Roman Catholic prelates, held in Dublin the 17th, 18th, and 19th of January, 1799, to deliberate on a proposal from government, of an independent provision for the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland under certain regulations, not incompatible with their doctrine, discipline, or just principles : It was admitted, that a provision through government for the Roman Catholic clergy of this kingdom, competent and secured, ought to be thankfully accepted. That, in the appointment of the prelates of the Roman Catholic religion to vacant sees within the kingdom, such interference of government as may enable it to be satisfied of the loyalty of the person appointed, is just, and ought to be agreed to. That, to give this principle its full operation, without infringing the discipline of the Roman Catholic church, or diminishing the religious influence, which prelates of that church ought justly to possess over their respective flocks, the following regulations seem necessary :— 1st. In the vacancy of a see, the clergy of the diocese to recommend, as usual, a candidate to the prelates of the ecclesiastical province, who elect him, or any other they may think more worthy, by a majority of suffrages:-in the case of equality of suffrages, the metropolitan or senior prelate to have the casting vote, 2d.In the election of a metropolitan, if the provincial prelates do not agree within two months after the vacancy, the senior prelate shall forthwith invite the surviving metropolitans to the election, in which each will then have a vote: in the equality of suffrages, the presiding metropolitan to have a casting vote. 3d. In these elections, the majority of suffrages must be, ultra medietatem, as the canons require, or must consist of the suffrages of more than half the electors. 4th. The candidates so elected, to be presented by the president of the election to government, which, within one month after such presentation, will transmit the name of the said candidate, if no objection be made against him, for appointment to the holy see, or return the said name to the ! president of the election, for such transmission as may be agreed on. 5th-If government have any proper objection against such candidates, the president of the election will be informed thereof within one month after presentation; who in that case will convene the electors to the election of another candidate. Agreeably to the discipline of the Roman Catholic church, these regulations can have no effect without the sanction of the holy see; which sanction, the Roman Catholic prelates of this kingdom shall, as soon as may be, use their endeavours to procure. The prelates are satisfied, that the nomination of parish priests, with a certificate of their having taken the oath of allegiance, be certified to government. Richard O'Reilly, Daniel Delany, James Caulfield, Edmund French. Subsequent Resolution of the Roman Catholic Electors. The prelates assembled to deliberate on a proposal from government of a provision for the clergy, have agreed, that M. R. Doctor O'Reilly, M. R. Doctor Troy, and R. R. Doctor Plunkett, and such other of the prelates, who may be in town, be commissioned to transact all business with govern ment relative to said proposal, under the substance of the regulations agreed on and subscribed by them. Dublin, 28th January, 1799. Thomas Bray. John Cruise. My Lord, No. III. A Letter from Lord Grenville to the Earl of Fingal. Camelford House, Jan. 22, 1810. I have the honor to address this letter to your Lordship, in reply to that, which I received from you respecting the petition, with which you are charged. This form of communication I consider as most satisfactory to your Lordship. It is also best calculated to do justice to the sentiments of some of the most distinguished advocates of your cause, in concurrence with whom the decision has been taken. I must, in the first place, assure your Lordship, that my opinion remains unchanged, as to the object of your petition. It would, I think, be an act of undeniable wisdom and justice, to communicate to our fellow subjects, professing the Roman Catholic Religion, the full enjoyment of our civil constitution. Such a measure, accompanied by suitable arrangements maturely prepared, and deliberately adopted, would, I am confident, above all others, give strength and union to the Empire, and increased security to its religious and civil establishments.-Your Lordship is well aware, that on this conviction only have I supported it. To these establishments I am unalterably attached; their inviolable maintenance I have ever considered as essential to all the dearest interests of my country. But they rest, I am certain, on foundations much too firm; they are far too deeply rooted in the affections of that community, to which they dispense the blessings of religion, order and liberty, to require the adventitious and dangerous support of partial restrictions, fruitful in discontent, but, for security, wholly inefficient. With respect to the present application to Parliament, I knew not, except from public report, that such a measure was in contemplation; or that it was the wish of the Petitioners to place their petition in my hands. I have twice already, at the request of the Catholics of Ireland, moved the House of Lords to take this subject into consideration. I did not, in either case, think myself responsible for your determination as to the time of agitating the question; a determination, which in the first instance, I had not suggested, and which in the last I had in my place in parliament publicly dissuaded. Recent events had, in both cases, imposed upon me a peculiar duty, uot merely for my own honor, but in justice also to your cause, to prove, by my conduct, on the earliest occasion afforded by yourselves, that no change of public situation, no prejudice, no calumny, no clamour could either vary or suppress my opinious on this great national question. This duty 1 willingly performed. Deeply imprest with the importance of the measure which I recommended, I have spared no sacrifice, omitted no exertion, by which I could contribute to their accomplishment. And if I could now deceive myself with a hope, that a renewal of my weak efforts, in the present moment, could expedite or facilitate their ultimate success, it would be my highest gratification once more to stand forward as the chosen advocate of national conciliation. Circumstanced as this question now is, both in England and in Ireland, it is on the contrary, my deliberate opinion, that no motion, grounded on your petition, could, at this time, in any hands, certainly not in mine, be brought forward, without great and permanent disadvantage to its object. This opinion is founded, not only on the present known dispositions of Government and Parliament, but also on the unexpected difficulties, which have arisen in Ireland, on the impressions, which they may create, and the embarassments, which they unavoidably produce. It would be an invidious task for me to recapitulate, in this place, the transactions of the last three years, or to discuss the temper and spirit, the language and the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers towards your body; nor would it become me to censure, though I may be permitted to lament, the decisions of the Legislature. To these two topics it is sufficient briefly to have adverted. The obstacles, which, in the present moment, they oppose to any favourable consideration of your cause, and the advantages. which they afford to the misrepresentations of your adversaries, are too obvious to require explanation. Many circumstances compel me to speak to your Lord ship more at large of the recent proceedings in Ireland; with reference both to their origin and to their consequences, For this purpose I must beg leave to recal to your Lord ship's recollection, the grounds, on which the consideration of these petitions has uniformly been recommended to Parliament. That which you have asked, and which has been supported by the greatest Statesmen of our time, now |