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and gloried, before hand, in the sufferings he was about to undergo. If this were so, he appears to have thought better of it, when the danger was really imminent. For his sudden retreat from Bristol, in the very midst of the riots he had occasioned, remind us of that of Jean Bon St. André, in Lord Howe's battle, as celebrated in the Anti-Jacobin :

“Good John was a gallant Captain,
In battles much delighting;
He fled full soon
On the first of June,
But he bade the rest keep fighting !”

‘It is evident, from all these things, that the prophecy of the ingenious author of “Mr. Dyson's Speech to the Freeholders” is on the eve of fulfilment; where he says, that if the Reform Bill does not pass, the Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, &c., will have to pass their lives in hollow squares of troops—happy, if even these, these hired defenders, do not fail them in their need.’—pp. 20–24.

But this state of things cannot go on. It is but the preparation on one side for the offensive war which will soon be commenced on the other, should the Bill be rejected a second time. We beg leave here to record our entire concurrence in the view which the author of the pamphlet just quoted has taken upon all this part of the subject. * If the Peers continue to resist the changes, which the rest of the nation so loudly demand, it is quite clear that the people will call to mind the apothegm of Mr. Gibson Craig, that “the people can do without the Peers.” That the House of Lords is an essential part of the Constitution, and one of the three estates of the realm ; and that, therefore, their annihilation would be a great, and perhaps irreparable calamity, is certain. But will the many think so, when they are goaded almost to madness, by the pertinacious obstinacy and resistance of that body; and when they find their wishes—wishes, too, sanctioned by the approval of the King, his Ministers, and the House of Commons,— crossed and defeated only by them : It is absurd to suppose that they will then stop to weigh with nicety abstruse constitutional questions. They will consider the Aristocracy as their enemies; and so considering, they will use the means they possess—and these means, if they once know them, and bring them into action, are means of terrific power, to be rid of them. It will then be in vain, that the moderate of all parties will strive to arrest the torrent of popular indignation and popular vengeance. “Deeply shall we deplore that day, if it do come ; and anxiously would we endeavour, were it in our power, to avert it. But that power rests not with us—it rests with the Peers themselves; and we implore them, if they value their honours, their stations, and the good of their country, to hesitate, before they again venture to dash the cup of promise from the lips of an expecting people. Another vote similar to the one they have already given, may render conciliation too late, and concession useless. ‘Let them pause, then, ere they give it—and let them take counsel upon the subject, of their own excellent understandings; and not of a few factious men, who, untaught by the past and reckless of the future, are only anxious to see themselves again in place. These persons, whose whole souls are in the offices they have lost, (we hope we may say irrecoverably lost,) believe, or affect to believe, that the present struggle, like the many that took place during the last century, is merely a contest between the two parties of Whig and Tory. Let them disabuse themselves, before it be too late, of this vain delusion. It is not now a question between two factions; but between the people and the Boroughmongers —between a nation seeking its rights, and the few who wish to withold those rights from them. ‘Again, there are others among the Anti-Reformers, who go into the other extreme—who profess to expect, that revolution and anarchy will be the consequences of the perilous contest they are waging with the country—and who are ready, nay anxious for these calamities, if, by their means, they can get rid of the present ministry and the present Reform Bill. It is said of the Great Captain, we know not whether truly, that his remark upon the state of things is, “We must come to a fight; and therefore the sooner we do so, the better.” But all these are but the wild incoherencies of mortified vanity and frustrated ambition. They speak for themselves, and will deceive nobody; and it is not therefore necessary or adviseable, to waste time in confuting them, or in warning others against them. Besides, it is a truly remarkable thing, and worth the attention of the conscientious Anti-reforming Peers, that the Duke has. ended by advertising himself as ready to bring in a Reform Bill, if he can only once more get into place. We believe no considerable man's friends ever held down their heads more than did the Duke's, upon hearing this most wonderful declaration. It really exceeded all belief, and shows how sweet a thing office must be when lost ‘And here we would fain call the attention of the Anti-reforming Peers to a higher subject than themselves—we mean the country, and the state to which they are themselves bringing it by their conduct. For if dangers and difficulties arise, they may rest assured, that it is in a great measure their rancorous opposition to the wishes of their countrymen, that has caused them. What they are heaping upon their own devoted heads, we have endeavoured to lay before them—or, in other words, to explain to them, what will probably be done with them. ‘The possible fate of the country is a more serious matter—and what is the most serious part of it is, that that fate would appear, in a considerable degree, to depend on the Anti-reformers. That the 199 Anti-reformin Peers are powerless to do good, except by resigning themselves to the Bill, and allowing it to pass, is evident; but though powerless to a good purpose, they may be powerful to a bad one : like the evil Genii of the fairy tales, whose attributes restrained them from conferring benefits, but left them free to work mischief.-Their ill-timed resistance may kindle a flame in the nation, which no wisdom can quench.-The prolonged

struggle occasioned by them, may irritate the people against all rule.—.

They may excite universal discontent, and even wide-spread rebellion; and if the latter, once excited, were successful, the whole frame of government might be destroyed, and the very elements of society be again resolved into chaos—And all by their means. They may think this picture an overcharged one—we fear it is not so. - Already, had they almost driven the people into a resolution not to pay

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taxes; and from such a determination, (against which, if generally taken, there can be no remedy,) there is but one step to universal anarchy. The

... people, as it is, have been led to form political unions; and were on the

eve of turning themselves into National Guards. The first of those institutions, if carried to their full extent, would take the trouble of governing the country out of the hands of the Executive; and the latter would ter. rify into obedience those, who seemed disposed to resist such a tremen. dous tyranny. These are, indeed, the natural consequences of a prolonged struggle between a portion of the higher orders, and the whole of the lower and middling classes. The latter are indignant at being thwarted by a miserable oligarchy—by a handful of pensioners; they throw the blame indiscriminately upon all those, who are above them, and determine at once to take the government into their own hands,'—pp. 25–30.

When we come to consider the materials of which the anti-reforming peerage is composed, we cannot but feel indignant that the people should have been thwarted in their just desires by a set of individuals, the great majority of whom have held, or still hold,

offices or pensions, paid out of the taxes annually taken out of the

pockets of the middle and industrious classes. Who stands the first upon the list which the author of the “People's Manual” has so seasonably put forth 2–The Duke of Cumberland, of whom it is truly added, that he is “too notorious to require any particulars to be related of him.” His royal highness (how great titles are sometimes abused () is followed by the Duke of Gloucester, formerly a Whig, but now a Tory, because Lord Grey would not give him the appointment of Commander-in-chief; by the Duke of Buckingham, proprietor of the two boroughs of St. Mawes and Buckingham, one of which is disfranchised, the other opened, by the Bill; by the Duke of Wellington, of whom we need say nothing; by the Duke of Beaufort, patron of the borough of Monmouth, which is opened by the Bill; by the Dukes of Leeds, Rutland, Dorset, Newcastle, Manchester, Marlborough, and Northumberland, all of whom, with the exception of the poor Duke of Dorset, and the pauper Marlborough, are boroughmongers in the worst sense of the word. These are succeeded by a list, with appropriate and pointed annotations, of the marquisses, earls, viscounts, and barons, who have voted against the Bill, and from which a few selections may be deemed curious. • BEAUchAMP, Earl of.-Whose Earldom is said to have been purchased a few years ago. He is naturally a supporter of the present system of corruption. Did he lend 15,000l. to the Private Secretary of the Prince Regent It is said, the Secretary understood the loan to be a gift, which led to a little difference between the Noble Lord, and the very dutiful Secretary; but the quarrel occurred after the Noble Lord was elevated to the Earldom. • Guilford, Earl of.-A richly-beneficed non-resident Clergyman. He also, of course, is in favour of the abuses of the system. ‘ELDoN, Earl of.-The Ex-Tory Chancellor; and who, though possessed of a fortune of between 40 and 50,000l. a year, condescends to vo L. III. (1831.) No. 1 v. S S

receive from the country his retiring pension of 4000l. a year; besides having supplied his son with about 8000l. a year in sinecures. It is obvious that he cannot like reform. - * - a ‘VANE, Earl of.-Marquis of Londonderry in Ireland.—The opponent of all successive governments; because no government has the same opinion of his merits, which he entertains himself. It is him whom Lord Byron calls “a crazy widower,” when speaking of his marriage with the present Lady Londonderry. By the favour of his late brother, Lord Castlereagh, he was placed in high diplomatic situations, for which he was totally unfit. It was upon his request for a diplomatic pension (though he possessed at the time 60,000l. a year, which he has since squandered away), that Lord Liverpool wrote “this is too bad,”—words which may, perhaps, be thought to apply to the whole career of the noble Marquis. ‘BATHURST, Earl of.-An Old Tory—a Sinecurist—Clerk of the Crown–Teller of the Exchequer—with one Son, Clerk of the Privy Council—and another in a high employment at Malta. He was long in office, and perhaps has received more public money than any other man now alive. He has a seat for the Borough of Cirencester. ‘LIMER1ck, Earl of.-A true Irish jobber—who has jobbed Peerages, Earldoms, and, lastly, an English Peerage, out of successive Tory GoVernmentS. ‘MAYO, Earl of.--An Irish Tory.—Has a large retired pension. His wife is a Lady of the Bed Chamber to the Queen | | | ‘WALDEGRAVE, Earl.—Has just left the Whigs, and gone over to the Anti-Reformers, supposed to be influenced by the able arguments and deep reasoning of his kinsman, the Duke of Gloucester. - ‘MA LM ESBURY, Earl of —Owes his honours, and his sinecure place of Governor of the Isle of Wight to Pitt—and is, therefore, naturally against all Reform. • Bo LTON, Lord.—Of this nobleman's intellect or opinions it would be unfair to say any thing ; suffice it to remark, that he is undoubtedly a very fit supporter of Anti-Reform ‘WALLACE, Lord.—An old Placeman and Tory, and now enjoys a pension. Made a Peer by the Duke of Wellington. ‘Cow LEY, Lord.—Brother of the Duke of Wellington. Has deserted the side of his eldest brother, Lord Wellesley, who made his fortune, by sending him to India, and giving him an appointment there. Enjoys a large pension. - - ‘ARDEN, Lord. —An Ultra-Tory, Made a Peer by Pitt—Lord Lieutenant of Surrey, by the Duke of Wellington. Was, during the war, the holder of the greatest sinecure ever known. ‘MARY Bo Roug II, Lord.—Brother of the Duke of Wellington—late Master of the Stag Hounds—all his life in Office—and now enjoys a pension. Made a Peer by Lord Liverpool.”

But we must close this truly black list, composed as it is of apostate Whigs, of pensioned Tories, and boroughmongering imbeciles—men insensible, for the most part, to any other interest than that of their own personal ascendancy in the state, and the confederated enemies of popular liberty. Let them yield in time, say we, before the public mind be exasperated ; for we may tell them, without affecting the gift of prophecy, that unless they come forward with a good grace, and recall the wicked steps which they have already taken, the day of retribution will not be far off. The people are quiet at present: they are tranquil because they believe, from confidence in their own strength, that their wishes will be eventually realised. But if this hope should be again baffled, the Peers may as well shut up their House—if they do not, it will be shut up for them. We are far from wishing that such things may come to pass, for at best no great changes are effected without individual wrong; but who can control the course of the winds ! We may foresee events which are likely to take place, without being responsible for their occurrence, and we may express our opinion as to the probability of their occurrence, without exactly wishing for them. We may truly say, that for these, and the many other mischievous consequences that may follow from the rejection of the Bill, the peers, both spiritual and temporal, will have only to thank themselves.

ART. X. —A Visit to the South Seas, in the United States' Ship, Vincennes, during the years 1829 and 1830: including Scenes in Brazil, Peru, Manilla, the Cape of Good Hope, and St. Helena. By C. S. Stewart, A. M., Chaplain in the United States' Navy. In 2 Vols. London : Colburn and Co. 1832. *

WHEN the British public will have learned that the volumes before us are the production of a missionary, whose religious and political education has been conducted amongst the free and unsophisticated institutions of the American republic, they will be solicitous to inquire into the success of experiments in diffusing Christianity, which have been planned in a country, and executed by agents, so completely opposed in character and policy to our own. Mr. Stewart has been long engaged as an American missionary to the South Seas. He only left the Sandwich Islands in 1825, where he had established himself in the confidence of the inhabitants, and where he might have remained extending the triumphs of Christianity, but that one of those causes, to which our Protestant missionaries, as we have before shewn, are so constantly exposed, arose to interrupt the course of his beneficial labour. His lady was directed by her physicians to avoid, at her peril, a tropical climate, so that her husband was forced, prematurely, to abandon a field, where a brilliant harvest awaited his further superintendance. Whilst yet in suspense as to the best means of carrying on the great purpose to which he had devoted himself, consistently with a necessary attention to his domestic happiness, Mr. Stewart was incidentally informed, that a government vessel, the Guerriere, was about to sail for the Pacific ocean, to relieve the squadron which was stationed there; and that one of the ships destined to

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