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446 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

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pleafed to open to us. In making negotiations for this purpose feem to this compliment, we always fuppofe be in great forwardness. These difthe facts to be exactly true as repre- putes can never affect the general fented to us by his majefty; but are tranquillity of Europe, and the most not by this bound to approve any certain way to get them fettled to measure, or to make good any en- our own liking, is to get that trangagement, if afterwards upon in- A quillity established upon a right footquiry we fhould find that it had been ing, that is to fay, upon a firm allimifrepresented to us. On the con- ance between his majefty and fuch a trary, we may not only cenfure the confederacy upon the continent, as measure, or refuse to make good the will be an over-match for the house engagement, but we may punish thofe of Bourbon, fhould they continue as who had advised the king to repre- clofely united as they have done for fent things to us in fuch an erroneous B fome years past, which, I hope, we light. Whatever, therefore, may fhall find means to prevent, and the have been the cuftom of our an- treaty juft concluded with Spain, I ceftors, their maxim of confidering muft look on as a step towards this the king's speech as the fpeech of wife and falutary end. the minifters, must now deferve to be laughed at. It must be confidered as the fpeech of our fovereign, C and whoever forms the addrefs he propofes upon that fpeech, must furely have a better authority for what he propofes, than any one can have for oppofing it; because, until we have had the proper lights com. municated to us, no oppofition can D be founded upon any thing but common news-papers, or common rumours, which, I hope, will be allowed not to be of equal authority with what we have heard from the throne.

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Upon this fubject, Sir, I was really furprized to hear the noble lord fumming up fuch conceffions on our fide, when it fo evidently appears from the treaty itself, fuppofing it to be the fame with what we have seen in the news papers, that we have not made fo much as one conceffion, except that of the affiento contract; and there was fuch a fhort time remaining in the contract, that it was not worth our while to engage again in the trade, unless Spain would have favoured us with a renewal of the term. This, therefore, hardly deferves the name of a conceffion; and as to the demands of our merchants, and of our South-Sea company, they were all cancelled by the breaking out of the war: They were not only cancelled, but in a national way we have made ourselves fufficient amends for both these demands, fuppofing them reckoned at the higheft computation. The particular fufferers may not, perhaps, have made themselves amends by the war, but the nation has; for the balance of captures on our fide amounted to a great deal more than both these demands, even at the noble lord's computation; and this, befides the damage we did the enemy by deftroying their forts in America, and laying the trade almost entirely

open

1751. PROCEEDINGS of the open during the whole courfe of the war. The Spaniards therefore fuffered feverely by the war, and this makes them now fo fond of accommodating all the particular differences between the two nations; for otherwife they would never have confented to pay any thing to our South-Sea company, or to allow that company's demand to be so much as mentioned in any treaty between us.

A

POLITICAL CLUB, &c. 447 in the negotiating of this treaty, and confequently, could not be given up either by the one fide or the other. If the Spaniards infift, that their right to vifit and fearch fhips failing upon their coafts in America is founded upon former treaties, we likewise infift that our right to a free navigation in the American feas is founded upon former treaties; confequently our agreeing mutually to confirm all former treaties, without any new explanation, can no more be underftood to be a giving up of our right, than it can be understood to be a giving up of theirs. Our respective rights, I believe, neither of us will ever expressly give up, or allow to be explained any other way than they are by the nature of things; and if both of us take due care that the

B

C

exercise of them fhall never be abufed, they can never be hurtful to either.

But this of yielding to pay our South-Sea company 100,000l. is not the only conceffion the court of Spain have made by this treaty: They have confented to the re-eftablifh. ment of our trade in that kingdom upon a more advantageous and a firmer footing than it has been for many years, by restoring the Pie del Fardo, by agreeing, that the fubjects of Great Britain fhall not pay any other duties than thofe paid by the fubjects of Spain in the fame place, and by agreeing to abolish all I must therefore conclude, Sir, innovations that have been intro- that no fearch is a ftipulation which duced in the commerce. These, I it is ridiculous to infift on, because it believe, were all the differences fub- D is impoffible to be obtained; and affifting between the two nations, ter having faid this, I expect to be wherein no other nation had any part told, that upon a former occafion I or interest ; for as to the right of vi concurred heartily in a motion for fiting fhips upon their coafts in Ame. an address, not to admit of any treaty rica, and of confifcating them upon of peace with Spain, unlefs fuch a a proof or ftrong prefumption of ftipulation as this fhould be first obtheir having been concerned in a E tained as a preliminary thereto. I contraband or smuggling trade, it is confefs I did, Sir, because I then a difference in which other nations thought it right, but I was then very are concerned as well as this; for the young and fanguine: I am now ten Spaniards exercife that right with re- years older, and have had time to fpect to the fhips of all nations, and confider things more cooly: From if our people have fuffered more by that confideration I am convinced, it than any other, it was, very pro- F that we may as well ask for a free bably, becaufe of the enmity that has and open trade with all the Spanish for a good many years fubfifted be- fettlements in America, as to afk tween the two nations, and the fre- that none of our fhips fhall be visited quent misunderstandings that have or ftopt, tho' failing within a bowhappened between this court and that fhot of their fhore; and within that of Spain. This right, therefore, or distance our fhips must often fail, in what the noble lord was pleafed to G order to have the benefit of what call the freedom of our trade and na- they call the land breeze. I am also vigation in the American feas, could convinced, that all addreffes from not be brought under confideration this houfe, during the courfe of a

# See our Magazine for 1750, p. 533.

war,

448 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

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tereft, be led to fupport one fide or other. This, his majesty's measures, whatever they may have been, have hitherto prevented; and this alone is a fufficient foundation for our acknowledging his wisdom and forefight. There is another event, which recent experience muft convince us, would rekindle the flames of war all over Europe: The event I mean, is the death of the emperor of Germany, before the election of a king of the Romans. How is this to be prevented? Certainly, by bringing on fuch an election as foon as poffible, or uniting fuch a number of the princes in the empire in the proper measure to be taken in case of such an event, as may deprive thofe, who upon fuch an occafion would incline to raise disturbances, of all hopes of doing it with effect; for in the empire, as in all other countries, there will always be fome of its fubjects, who will be inclined to raise civil broils, if their hopes of benefiting be not overbalanced by their fears of Dfuffering by the broils they give birth to; and there is, we know, one certain power in Europe, whofe ambition will always induce it to fow diffenfions amongst the members of the empire; as on the other hand, the Dutch and we are for our own E fafety obliged to prevent, if poffible, any fuch diffenfions, fo far at leaft as to prevent their ever coming to an open rupture.

war, for prefcribing terms of peace,
are in themselves ridiculous; because
the turns or chances of war are ge-
nerally fo fudden, and often fo little
expected, that it is impoffible to fore-
fee or foretel what terms of peace it
may be proper to infift on; and as A
the crown has the fole power of
making peace or war, every fuch
addrefs muft certainly be an en-
croachment upon the king's prero-
gative, which has always hitherto
proved to be unlucky. For these
reafons, I believe, I fhall never here- B
after concur in any fuch address, un-
lefs made fo conditional as to leave
the crown at full liberty to agree to
fuch terms of peace as may at the
time be thought moft proper, which
this of no fearch can never be, unless
Spain should be brought fo low as to
give us a carte blanche, and fuch a
low ebb it is not our interest to bring
that nation to, nor would the other
powers of Europe fuffer it, fhould
we attempt it. We must therefore
leave them a power to prevent a
fmuggling trade with their fettle-
ments in America, and if we keep
upon good terms with that court, I
am perfuaded they will always exer-
cife it fo difcreetly, as not to inter-
rupt our lawful commerce or naviga-
tion in the American feas, especially
if on our fide we take care not to
encourage our people to tranfgrefs
the rules of lawful commerce, which,
I am afraid, fome of our governors
in the Weft-Indies have too often
done.

As to the events, Sir, that may hereafter involve Europe in the calamities of war, no gentleman can, I think, be ignorant of them, who knows any thing of the prefent circumftances of Europe. A rupture

in the North is one that would cer-
tainly fpread again the flames of war
all over Europe, because of the al- G
liances that now fubfift between the
feveral powers thereof, and chiefly
because almost every prince or flate
in Europe would, by their own in-

C

This leads me, Sir, to confider the late treaty with Bavaria, the conclufion of which his majefty has most F graciously communicated to us in his fpeech from the throne, and promifed to lay the treaty itself before us. This treaty I know as little of as any other gentleman in this houfe, and yet I cannot help approving of it; because the drawing off of that powerful prince from the intereft which his family has long efpoufed, is, in my opinion, a great point gained, a point that can hardly be purchafed too dear; and if for this

purpose

1751. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. 449

purpose we are to pay a fubfidy,
even in time of peace, if it be no
more than we can fpare, I shall
think it well beftowed, because it
will furnish us with an opportunity
to fix that family in the true fyftem
of the empire, and that fyftem which A
will always at laft be found to be the
true interest of their country. Princes,
Sir, like other men, are too apt to
be led by their prefent intereft, and
for that they too often run the risk
of future ruin. As we have no in-
ducement to intermeddle in the af- B
fairs of the continent, but in order
to preferve the balance of power,
we have this happiness, that the fu-
ture intereft of every prince of the
empire, and indeed of every power
in Europe, except France alone,
will always be in our favour. France, C
therefore, in all her negotiations, is
obliged to ftudy the prefent intereft
of the prince or ftate fhe negotiates
with. Some fhe has gained by fub-
fidies, others by giving them hopes
of obtaining an addition to their do-
minions, by joining in an alliance D
with her. In the laft of these two
methods we cannot contend with
France, for as the prefervation of
peace is our intereft, the uti poffidetis
must be our maxim; but in the firft
we may, and we may with fuch fuc-
cefs, as to render it impoffible for
her to make ufe of the fecond with
any effect; for by fubfidies properly
applied, we may fecure fuch a con-
federacy upon the continent, as must
leave very little hopes for any prince
in Europe to make an addition to his
dominions by an alliance with France.

E

F

This treaty with Bavaria inuft therefore, in my opinion, Sir, be for the publick good of Europe in general, as well as of this nation in particular; and if it fhould not appear to be fo, when it is laid before us, we shall not be obliged, by any G words in the addrefs propofed, to make it good. In fhort, Sir, the address is fo cautiously worded, that we neither approve nor promife but October, 175.

conditionally: If the measures, upon examination, appear to be fuch as described in this addrefs, we cannot but approve them: If the treaties, when laid before us, appear to be fuch as they are reprefented to be, we cannot refufe making them good: If the endeavours, his majefty has ufed, appear to be the most proper for ellablishing the prefent happy tranquillity upon the foreft foundi tion, can we avoid acknowledging our gratitude, even tho' thofe endea vours should at last prove ineffectual? If the treaty with Spain tends to reftore the antient friendship and correfpondence between the two nations, which is fo much for the advantage of both, ought not we to approve of it? If the measures, his majefty has taken, appear to be the most prudent that could be thought of for preventing any dangerous event, can we refufe acknowledging his majesty's wifdom and forefight? And if the engagements he has entered into appear, when laid before us, to be for the publick good, is it not our duty to make them good? But the Hon gentleman, who moved this addrefs, did not fatisfy himself with this general reftriction; for his defign feems to be, to confine our promife upon this head to that fingle engagement with the duke of Bavaria, mentioned by his majefty in his fpeech from the throne. I cannot therefore comprehend, why the noble lord fhould give fuch hard names to the addrefs propofed: There is nothing like fervility appears in its compofition; nor any thing more than what has been ufual for many years: We may return hereafter to our ancient dry method of only thanking his ajefty for his fpeech from the throne, and promifing to raife fuch fupplies as we may find neceffary for our own and his fecurity; but fuch a general and cold addrefs would be very imprudent at prefent, as there are feveral disputes yet to fettle, and feveral meafures to L11

be

450 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

be concerted for establishing the pre-
fent tranquillity, because it might
defeat every thing that remains to be
done, and render fruitless every thing
that has been done. Therefore, I
hope the addrefs propofed will be
agreed to without any amendment; A
and the more unanimously it is agreed
to, the greater effect it will have
upon all our future negotiations, ei-
ther for fettling our own difputes
with France and Spain, or for form-
ing fuch a confederacy as may give
a check to the ambitious fchemes B
now hatching, if any fuch there be,
for disturbing the repose of Europe.

The next Speech I shall give you was
that of M. Fabius Ambuftus, the
Purport of which was as follows,

I

viz.

Mr. Prefident,
SIR,

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compliments without knowledge, or how this houfe may think proper to exprefs itself upon the occafion, I do not know; but I fhould be afhamed to exprefs myself in fuch a manner to my fovereign: Nay, I should be afraid, left he should order me out of his prefence, for attempting to put fuch grofs flattery upon him. I fay grofs, Sir; for flattery is always grofs when expreffed in plain language, and by every man of true tafte must be received with indignation, when it proceeds from a perfon quite ignorant of what he fo highly and fo coarfely applauds.

The oppofition to this address, Sir, is not founded on knowledge from our news-papers, or knowledge C of any other kind: It is founded upon our want of knowledge, and upon the opinion which our agreeing to it must give to the whole world, of the low fervility of this affembly. I fhall grant, Sir, that if in our addrefs we muft echo back the fpeech from the throne, with fulfome panegyricks upon every meafure mentioned therein, no man but the prime minifter can propose our addrefs; and it is very well known, that ever fince this cuftom was introduced, the prime minister for the E time being has always been the original author or drawer up of the addrefs of this affembly. The affembly at the Cockpit, the eve of the parliament's meeting, is now become a fort of establishment: What is defigned by the minister as the address of this affembly is there concerted, and the heads of it given to two of the minifterial minions to move and fecond it next day in this affembly, where it has always, fince I knew the world, been agreed to with very little alteration. Whether this method G has been practifed upon the prefent occafion, I fhall not fay; but as I think it inconfiftent with the dignity of this house, I wish an end were put to it; and the fureft way of do

WISH the Hon gentlemen who fupport this addrefs, had given us a definition of what they call fervility; for I have always taken flat- D tery to be fervility, and I think it must be deemed fo by all those who allow, that there can be any fuch thing as fervility in words or language. Now if there be no flattery in this addrefs, I am fure there was never any fuch thing in words; for we not only make high encomiums without knowing whether they be true or false; but we exprefs thofe encomiums in as high a stile as our language will admit of, for which I appeal to almost every fentence in the addrefs propofed. We must not express our acknowledgments to his majefty, without calling them our warmeft acknowledgments: We must not talk of his majesty's endeavours, without calling them unwearied endeavours. Thus I could go on, Sir, with my remarks thro' the whole of the addrefs; and all this, without knowing any thing of the facts we thus fo highly extol. How a minifter might receive fuch high-flown

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