But, leaving that matter at present, I do affirm, that nothing can ever keep up the just price of sugars, and other West-India commo dities, like an equal common factory; and that, well settled, would secure the planter against all accidents of new impositions, let them be what they would, provided it is paid back upon exportation, and a proportionable advance were placed on the same commodities com. ing from foreign parts; by which, as an equal standard, the parlia. ment too would secure the nation from being imposed upon by any excessive price.

Another mighty benefit, both to the king, planter, and merchant, would accrue by a common factory, if the customs and impositions on their commodities were reduced to a commutation of so much per cent. upon sales, as was proportionable to them, for hereby the im. porter would not be burthened with paying down and risquing his duty in trusting his chapman, nor could the king lose the least part of what was due to him, which conveniences were provided for by another branch of the said undertaking.

But to pass again from that, I say, nothing can enable the planters to buy necessaries cheap, like a sufficient bank of credit, nor nothing keeps up the price of the commodity, as plantations increase, like a common factory.

In the next place, to remedy another inconveniency attending those plantations, which is, being forced to bring their produce first into England before they can send it to foreign markets.

But, if they had the privilege to carry those commodities directly abroad, which were fully meliorated, free from paying any duty or custom, and superfluous to our own consumption, the crown, which is the great end of the constraint, could not in the least suffer, and we with profit might gain all foreign markets, and set the price of those commodities abroad; which we cannot now do, being liable to a greater charge by longer voyages, double risques, and the expence of time and labour, in loading and unloading such goods, which was also provided for in another branch of the said undertaking.

To prevent the incroachment and misrepresentations of governors and malicious men, against the industrious planter, merchant, and inhabitants of those colonies, itinerant judges might be sent annually, fully impowered to inspect, examine, and represent matters to the privy-council at their return; and finally to determine any appeals from the supreme courts and councils there; to constitute which ju. risdiction, it might be necessary, that three or more of the members of the council of trade, having not the least private interest or dealing in those colonies, might be sent out, attended by a register or clerk of that grand assize, with a man of war, first to touch at Barbadoes, next at the Leeward Islands, next at Jamaica, then at Carolina, so on through Virginia, Maryland, Pensylvania, New-York, and New. England, and so from thence home: The major part of them to be paramount in all civil cases to all governors, wherever they resided; that, immediately on their arrival, the assemblies should meet and sit, by whom they might receive a full account of the wants, defects, and requests of each place, and also examine the several administrations of goods belonging to persons in England by the death of relations,

and other matters, and prevent injustice or the necessity of fetching persons thence from their families or business on any complaints in England; that they might be obliged to hold a sort of term, for three weeks before setting out, to receive oaths of witnesses to be used in evidences there, as also pretences to estates of persons deceased, and controversies about bills of exchange, or any other matters which occasion delay now, and discourage dealings in those parts; that none of those judges should go two years successively together, but that a rotation of that employment as near as may be, should be appointed amongst the members which composed the council of trade; that they should have sufficient salaries for their trouble, and not be suffered to receive any other fee, present, or reward, besides meat and drink, whatever infinite number of conveniencies might arise to those plan. tations by such a last resort. The manner as well as the full jurisdiction I will omit, being necessary to be more enlarged upon, than I am willing in the short method I have proposed to myself.

In the next place, I cannot chuse but think that the judges, after such a court was established, might omit taking cognisance of those malicious and troublesome, rather than necessary complaints, about carrying people to the Indies; any man concerned being there upon the place able to make his complaint, and receive full damages for any abuse put upon him for an unvoluntary transportation or non performance of the contract made with them. This would open the gap to many people's going thither, than which I have proved nothing can be of more advantage to the common-wealth; so that, by saving many troublesome fees, and other dangers, in sending white servants, they might be had much cheaper by the planter to his great encou ragement.

In the next place, begging pardon of the African company, if I err, I cannot see an honest reason, why the planters should not be at full liberty to buy blacks at the best market they can, the act of navigation preserved; for is their patent alone a sufficient justification to so perfect and mischievous a monopoly, as that inhibition they pretend to seems to be? For, though they may give many reasons to warrant that united stock and sole trading in Guiney to them, yet I cannot see that can hinder black slaves to be brought to the planta tions by an English ship from any other place: But this I am sure of, that, since they may be had by private merchants one third cheaper than the company will afford them, they ought to be at liberty to have them; since the nation is ten times more gainer by the labour of the blacks, than the company is by their price; and one third more of blacks employed in planting, which would follow, if they were one third cheaper, would also enable them to sell the produce of the colonies one third cheaper, by which means they would be able to ruin all other foreign colonies; and in time we may, by cheap selling, get the whole trade of sugar into our hands; which must be such a national profit by this, and our former computations, that no argument on the other side for the company's interest can in the least balance. Besides, if it should be allowed, that the company furnishes the sugar colonies with more than they are well paid for, at the price they take, yet they do not bring them in all one third so many as they could employ

and do furnish the tobacco plantations with none at all (except what are first agreed for in England, and then the merchant pays extrava. gantly, and the planter must advance for the merchant's encourage. ment, and so pay a double profit) who would, if they had them at a moderate price, quickly double their numbers to a mighty increase of shipping and national wealth. Thus the prohibition and total ingrossing the trade of blacks, by the company, does several ways infinitely prejudice the plantations and industrious planters in them, as well as prejudice the publick; but, if the preservation of the Guiney trade be of such advantage to the kingdom, that the castles must be maintained, it is but reasonable those publick things should fall equally on the publick, and not be made so many ways inconvenient to the most useful part of it, which is the industrious planter of America.

If it should be found necessary to support the African company for the good of the Guiney trade, at the same time no doubt but that such care will be taken of the colonies, that they shall be better and cheaper supplied than they have been yet: therefore, with submis. sion to the better understandings of others, among the many ways, that may be thought convenient, I do humbly propose, that any plan. ters may have them delivered by lots at a moderate price in the colo. nies, or that any planter or merchant, giving good security for the payment of their money in England at a certain time, may have ne. groes at a certain moderate profit to the African company, put on board their ship at Guiney; or may have goods of the African com. pany at a reasonable profit, to be paid in England at the return of the ship; or that they may have liberty to go and trade thither, paying a moderate sum per cent. for leave to carry their own goods; for it is to be understood, that whatsoever burthen is put upon the negroe trade, the planter pays it, and it will so much lessen the increase of the plantations.

And since by no discerning person it can be denied but that the sugar and tobacco colonies are of very great advantage to England, iti s not to be questioned but that our legislators will think it worth their while to methodise that commerce to the best advantage, and to suffer no hardship to be put upon the planter, that they may be enabled to sell their commodities in foreign markets; the benefit of which, to England, will quickly be seen, and in a few years (is easily to be demonstrated) that they will bear out all nations that pretend to produce the like commodities; and then a moderate duty may be laid on their product for the foreigners to pay, which will make foreigners help to support the charge of the nation, and no way hurtful to the planter. By what has been said, for the sugar and to. bacco colonies, may be said for all colonies that produce the commodities of foreign nations, as silk, wines, oils, &c. and any other num. ber of men that will engage, to plant and produce, in such a term of years, such a quantity of commodities that are foreign commodi. ties, and not already produced in our colonies, ought to be encou raged by this nation. For no trade can be so advantageous to this nation, for the increasing of navigation, and the consuming of our woollen manufacture, and indeed every thing that is made or used in

England, as colonies; for they, being English, and having all their commerce from England, will always be initiating the customs, and fashions of England, both as to apparel, houshold furniture, eating and drinking, &c. For it is impossible for them to forget from whence they come, or ever be at rest (after they have arrived to a plentiful estate) until they settle their families in England, by which means their industry, time, and labour, are to be spent for the in. riching the English nation. Further I shall not enlarge, but leave what I have said to the judgment of every judicious reader, to amend wherein I may be defective.

A TRUE ACCOUNT OF

A LATE HORRID CONSPIRACY

TO BETRAY HOLLAND TO THE FRENCH.

AND OF THE TRYAL'

CONFESSION, CONDEMNATION, AND EXECUTION

OF JACOB MARTINET,

SHERIFF OF THE TOWN OF SLUYS,

AND CORNELIUS REOLANDS,

MASTER OF THE SHIP CALled the arGLE OF AMSTERDAM, Who were executed for the said Conspiracy, the sixth of this instant May, 1690. Translated from the Dutch Copy.

London, printed in 1690. Quarto, containing ten pages.

THE unwearied aims of the French, for a great many years, to swallow up the States of Holland, are sufficiently known to all the world; and, by their intrigues with the late unhappy pensioner De Wit, they were once within an ace of overturning this commonwealth for good and all. That the French continue in their former methods of bribing with their money such villains as are destitute of all love to their country, and who are are willing to sacrifice every thing to their accursed greediness of money, we have a fresh example in the treason and tryal of these two miscreants Jacob Marti. net Sheriff or Scapen of the town of Sluys, and Cornelius Reolands master of the ship, called the Argle of Amsterdam, which was as follows.

On the third day of April last, there was intercepted a pacquet of letters sewed within the waistcoat of a seaman, going from Sluys to Ostend by land: which being opened by one of the magistrates of Ostend, before whom the fellow was brought, they were found to

contain a dangerous conspiracy to betray to the French the strong town of Sluys, and thereby a chief key of Holland. Upon which the seaman, being examined, 'declared that he came from Sluys the day 6 before, and was designed to find some way to get thence to Dunkirk, and that he had received the letters found about him from Cornelius ( Reolands, his master at Sluys, and was to deliver them to one Monsieur Rayon, a colonel of a regiment of French, lying in the town of Dunkirk.' He further confessed, that he had been three weeks before with letters from his master to the same colonel, and that he had returned with letters from the said colonel, directed to his master.'

The fellow, after this confession, was kept close prisoner, and an express immediately dispatched to acquaint the States with it, who thereupon ordered the magistrates of Sluys to secure the said Cornelius Reolands in close prison, and to examine him secretly about this treason. Reolands, being taken, denied all at first, but the letter, he had written to Monsieur Rayon, being produced against him, which had been taken at Ostend about his servant, he not only con. fessed it was his, but also that Jacob Martinet, the sheriff of the town, was concerned in the affair more than than he, and that the letter written in cyphers, found about his man, was written by Martinet's own hand.

Upon this Martinet being secured, there was one letter immedi. ately directed to the Marquess of Castanage, general governor of the Netherlands, from the assembly of the States of Holland, to desire his excellency would be pleased to send the seaman taken in Ostend with the foresaid letters, immediately under a guard to the town of Sluys, which his excellency was pleased to do.

All things being ready for the tryal of these two traitors, Count Horne, governor of Sluys, was ordered to repair to the town to be present at, and to hasten the tryal. Upon the first day of this in. stant May the prisoners, Jacob Martinet and Cornelius Reolands, were brought to their tryal in the town-house of Sluys, before judges appointed for that effect, of whom Count Horne was one. Cornelius Reolands, being confronted with his own servant, acknowledged, That he and the other prisoner had kept correspondence with one 'Monsieur Rayon, colonel of a French regiment in Dunkirk, and by his means and mediation with one Monsieur de Terry, secretary of war under the Duke of Luxemburgh, who was to command the French army in the frontiers of Flanders this summer.' And that he and the said other prisoner Had received several letters from the 'said Monsieur Rayon upon the same subject, and in one of them a line 'from the said Monsieur de Terry, directed to him, and the other prisoner, wherein he assured them, if they would promise to accom plish the design in hand, he should cause to be paid them in hand, each of them ten thousand livres, and, upon the performing of it 6 they should receive, each of them, twenty thousand more, with an honourable retreat and employment in any place of France they ' pleased.' He likewise acknowledged, 'That they were to receive the first ten thousand livres a-piece at the return of his servant they