tion of the trade and general interests of the empire, by proving that the hereditary revenue of Ireland, from the furplus of which the provifion was to refalt, had never amounted to any fum likely to furnish a furplus, over and above the fum of 656,000l. that it was not probable, that it would increase under the operation of the new plan, and that if it did, what was moft material of all, it would awaken the jealoufies of the parliament of Ireland, and prove the cause of difunion and difagreement between the two countries. Having feriously fummed up the generals of his argument, he indulged himself in retorting on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for his attack on him, when the right hon. Gentleman firft opened the Irish propofitions to the house, declaring, that fo far from feeling, that he had been at all to blame in the year 1780, for omitting to procure fuch an advantage for this country, as the laft of the refolutions was to fecure it, he should have thought he had done Great Britain and Ireland an effential injury had he attempted it, convinced as he was that it would produce no advantage whatever, but on the contrary, would lay the ground of much future jealoafy as well as inconvenience. With his ferious argument on this point, he mixed a good deal of raillery, and ridicule; after dwelling with fome emphafis on the importance of facrificing the British market to Ireland, he said, undoubtedly the return muft by every unprejudiced man be confidered as an adequate compenfation-The furplus of an hereditary revenue that never would produce a furplus; or, if it did, that could not at the highest pitch of expectation be rated at more than the enabling us at fome time or other within the course of the prefent century to victual a few frigates with pickled pork and bifcuit; this reminded him, he faid, of Voltaire's account of an unfortunate man, who had loft a leg and an arm in one place, had his nofe cut off and his eyes put out in another-had been hung up and cut down in a third, had been imprisoned by the inquifition, and condemned to be burnt, and at laft found himself chained to the oar as a galley flave, and who neverthelets confoled himself with faying, "thank God for all I have suffered; I fhould not otherwife have known the luxury of eating orange chips and pistachio nuts in the har, bour of Conftantinople.' After pursuing this vein for fome time, his Lordship returned to ferious reafoning, and declared, he should concur in his hon. friend's amendment, because he was convinced, that more might be depended upon from the affection, honour, and generofity of Ireland, than could be expected to refult from any terms ftipulated by bargain and contract.

His Lordship alfo dedicated a part of his argument to the confideration of what would be loft between the two countries by drawbacks, and contended that by making a bargain, Great Britain limited her own expectations, and debarred herfelf either of the chance or the claim of more from Ireland than the expressly stipulated for as the terms of her agreement.

Mr. Dundas rofe to reply to Lord North, and began by obferving that he never remembered to have met with any question in parliament that had given rife to do many varieties of opini on (frequently in one and the fame person) as the

prefent. The noble Lord in the blue ribbon, for instance, had that night announced to the house a new change of fentiment. Finding he imagined, his old argument of the danger to which the manufactures and commerce of this country were liable from the propofed adjustment, to be ill founded and futile, he had given up the grounds of his former oppofition, and had croffed the Irish channel for new reasons and new objections. He was now as folicitous for the conftitution of Ireland as he had formerly been for the manufactures of England, and in his zeal he was defirous of changing the terms of the treaty in order to reject an exprefs ftipulation for a certain contribution on the part of Ireland, and to fubftitute a vague and indefinite declaration that fome compensation was due.

He could not fee how there was any breach of delicacy when the compenfation was really due, and when the means of making that compentation were obvious in pofitively contracting for it. The noble Lord had argued that by thus making an express ftipulation with Ireland, this country gave up all right to expect any thing beyond the exprefs letter of that ftipulation. This he faid was a very mistaken idea, because even if Ireland fhould think herself discharged in point of affection from any farther ties to this country, than merely fulfilling the terms of the agreement, yet fill the would find it a matter of good policy, if her fituation should permit her to contribute as much beyond that as poffible, for the protection of thofe colonies and of that commerce, in which by the present arrangement the was to have fo great a fhare. The general objection that had been made to any new grants of indulgence to Ireland had been, that the did not contribute a fufficient proportion to the defence of the Empire. This objection would now, he faid, be done away, because the would now be bound to a certain contribution; and he approved of a certain ftipulated contribution; rather than an indefinite claim, if for no other reafon, for thithat it might give to the whole tranfation the complexion that belonged to it, that of a treaty and adjustment between two states independent on each other, except by mu tual ties of intereft and affection, and be a recognition of the principle on which this entire arrangement was adopted.

One of the noble Lord's arguments went to fhew that the contribution to be established by this plan would be too inconfiderable to ftand in the light of a fufficient compenfation to this country for the great benefits to be conferred on Ireland. He obferved that it was perfectly inconclufive to argue from the present state of the population compared with the revenue, and to fuppofe from thence that they would always bear the same proportion to each other. A very poor country, though ever so 'populous, would not be able to raife a confiderable revenue, be caufe revenue did not arife from the perfon, but from the confumption; this, he faid, any gentleman might be convinced of, if he chole to travel over the Highlands of Scotland, or if they could bear even to enquire into their history and fituation. It did not appear that, because the kingdom of Ireland, though populous, did not

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1786.

afford a confiderable revenue, it never would be able to do fo; on the contrary, if trade and manufacture should become general, they would, by extending the use of articles fubject to tax ation, to those people whofe poverty now debarred them from it, promote the increase of the revenue.

He went widely into the general queftion of the policy of the propofed adjustment, and concluded with giving his hearty affent to the refolution, and diffenting accordingly from the amendment.

The amendment propofed by Mr. Sheridan was then negatived.

The third refolution passed without farther amendment.

On the fourth refolution + being read, Lord Beauchamp declared, that the ill fuccefs of the amendment which he had fuggefted in the committee, fhould not prevent his propofing it again to the house, as he conceived it to be highly material in the adjustment of the future intercourfe between the two kingdoms, that no fufpicion might be entertained by the Irish, that under the fpecious pretence of commercial benefits, which might or might not be realized, the British parliament wished to deprive them of the folid advantages of a free conftitution. That the refolution ftated as an effential article of the compact, that Ireland fhould of neceffity adopt the commercial provifions of the British parliament. That if it was fo effential, he could not account for Mr. Orde's filence in the Irish parliament, to whom it ought to have been in the firft inftance imparted. That the principle of it was admitted in the preamble of Mr. Yelverton's act; that therefore Great Britain had every fecurity that a free people can give, that the laws of trade which are bona fide equal to the fubjects of both kingdoms, fhall be adopted by the parliament of Ireland. That the house is bound by a British ftatute never to queftion the legiative independency of Ireland; and that being fo bound, it does not become them to require what it is impoffible for Ireland to accede to. That by this refolution the compact is compleatly done away, and the power of regulating

That it is highly important to the general interests of the British Empire, that the laws for regulating trade and navigation should be the fame in Great Britain and Ireland, and therefore that it is effential, towards carrying into effect the prefeat fettlement, that all laws which have been made, or shall be made in Great Britain, for fecuring exclufive privileges to the hips and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Colonies and Plantations, and for regulating and reftraining the trade of the British Colonies and Plantations, fuch "laws impofing the fame restraints, and con“ferring the fame benefits on the subjects of "both kingdoms, should" be in force in Ire land, by laws to be paffed by the parliament "of that kingdom for the fame time, and" in the fame manner as in Great Britain, and that proper measures fhould from time to time, be taken for effectually carrying the fame into exe

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the external concerns of Ireland, vefted again in the British parliament. That it will revive with greater force than ever, because Ireland being a party to its revival, the cannot complain of its effects; that whether Ireland is bound by acts of her own to conform to British ftatutes, or whether British ftatutes, ipfo facto attach upon her commerce and revenue, makes no fubftantial difference; that her free agency is equally destroyed in either cafe; that the fubfequent refolutions point out the vaft extent to which this conceffion is intended to apply: that both the Eaft and Weft India commerce is within the fcope of it, as alle all the intercourse with the American States which Ireland has, or hereafter may have; that if Great Britain raises her duties on any article, which comes from any of these countries, Ireland must do the same, and can never lower them again, till previously permitted by the British parliament to do so. That by this means a country, which is comparatively rich, may tax the confumption of a poor one, and that the receipt of the Exchequer, and the extent of the Irish revenue, will depend upon a body of men, over whom Ireland has no fpecies of controul. That Ireland has now the option of importing Weft India produce directly upon the British duties, or indirectly through Great Britain upon low duties. That this option will be completely done away, and the Irish market loaded with the heavy duties for ever. That in the bargain of 1780, there was a reason for including America, which was then subject to the crown of Great Britain; but now being a foreign country, it is improper to interfere in the Irift commerce to that Continent; that under the affumed power of doing so, if the British parliament fhall tax rice, tobacco, cotton, or indige from America, to encourage the produce of the fame articles in our Weft India or African settlements, the Irish parliament muft lay equally heavy impofts, though they come from a country, which is profeffedly foreign; and that this principle applies equally to every fpecies of produce, which is in an infant ftate, as to the known ftaple articles of trade; that most of thefe facrifices were never fuggetted to the Irish parliament, and that the propofitions in queftion were not called for by the people of that coun try. That the business began originally in another form. That it was propofed as a favour, not as a bargain. That when the British Minifter in Ireland was repeatedly called upon, to fay, whether the whole plan was opened, he affured the Irish parliament it was. That to annex new and extraordinary conditions in the prefent ftage of the bufinefs, is at leaft unbecoming and offenfive; that before Ireland was called upon to pledge herself, the British Ministers ought to have ftated the precife point to which they meant, as far as depended on them, to pledge the British parliament. That he thought there was an eafy and simple method of avoiding this embarrassment. That all idea of compulfion upon the legislature of Ireland, ought to be difclaimed. That the British parliament should be fatisfied with establishing the principle by a refolution, that uniformity in the laws of trade ought to prevail between the two kingdoms, which being exactly fitted to meet the declaraBbb z

tien

tion of the Irish parliament, would effectually answer the purpose in question, without railing jealoufy or fufpicion. And he further added, that the refolution was very inaccurately worded. That it painted out no precife time within which regulations of the British parliament are to be adopted by Ireland, and that confequently it might produce much ill blood, and give occafion to one kingdom to charge the other with breach of faith, if the execution of any of these regulations was deferred by one parliament beyond the period which the other might think fufficient: and, to obviate these objections, he moved to leave out all the latter part of the refolution.

The question was put on his Lordship's amend sment, and negatived.

Mr. Eden moved to infert a provifion for extending the propofed adoption by Ireland of certain laws to be originated in Great Britain, to English acts of parliament "concerning feamen. That fuch an advantage, if attainable, was of great importance, could not be denied, and furely, if Ireland should be difpoied to re cognise a power in Great Britain to perpetuate nearly the whole of the Irish additional duties, and to extend them to any amount, and to make for ever pew regulations for the management of the Irish trade, he would not hesitate to add to fuch acknowledgment a farther conceffion, of evident importance to the naval ftrength of the empire. It was a most striking objection to the propofed arrangement, that it tended to transfer our hips and feamen to Ireland, without fecur ing their affiftance in all future wars: and no measure is taken to fix and rivet the connection of the two kingdoms, at the time when we are poffibly making it the eventual intereft of IreJand to be unwilling to engage in the rifques and troubles of our unavoidable wars. God forbid that such a circumftance should ever take place, but, under the prefent propofitions, the prevention of it was fubmitted blindly to the interference of providence. A few years ago, Ireland had called loudly on Great Britain, to fhare with her " one constitution, one commerce,

ally, and in effect. Do not you require Ireland henceforward, to adopt every commercial regulation whatsoever, which any future parliament, under the conduct of any future Minister, may think proper? this certainly does not totally destroy the Irish legiflature, but it precludes (by the very condition of the compact) the inherent right of deliberation and rejection, which contains the fubftance, fpirit, and effential principle of a free parliament. Suppofe a fimilar propofition was offered by Ireland; and furely, there was no great abfurdity, or improbability in fuch a supposition: both legislatures, Irith and Englifh, were allowed to be equally independent; might not, therefore, on the principle of reciprocity) the Irish parliament, agree to pass these two exceptionable propofitions, on the exprefs condition, that in certain ftipulated cafes, the English parliament would likewife agree to pafs certain laws and regulations, originally proposed and enacted in the Irish parliament. How would fuch a propofal be received in that houfe?—— Would it not be received with indignation, and treated with contempt? He called on the Chancellor of the Exchequer to answer the question candidly and explicitly. He doubted, whether that right hon. Gentleman would even dare to offer fuch a propofition to the house, though they had feen frequent inftances of his confidence and audacity, both in a minority and majority. What reafon was there then to suppose, that an Irish House of Commons would fubmit to fuch a degradation of their dignity, fuch a fhameful dereliction of their independence !→→ Partial as that house was to the Minister of the day, he doubted whether there was a man in it, who would venture to support the right hon. Gentleman on such a question; if there was a fingle man hardy enough to do fo, let him rife at this moment, and avow his fentiments.He was glad there was none; for it gave him a happy prefage of the fentiments of the Irith Houte of Commons, on a fimilar propofition, a happy prefage of that manly pride and cha racteristick spirit, which had ever distinguished them.

The 5th propofition, Mr. Courtenay afferted, was equally infidious and injurious; under its fpecious pretext of regulating duties, it had a direct tendency to fubject Ireland to a new fyf tem of taxation, at the discretion of an English parliame As all goods and commodities of the growth, produce, and manufacture of Britifh or foreign colonies in America, or the WeltIndies, &c. were subject to the fame duties and regulations as the fame goods are, and from time to time, fhall be subject to, upon importa tion into Great Britain. How will this affect Ireland? Let us ftate the cafe impartially be tween the two countries; the one extremely opule., the other extremely poor. By vefting the uncontrouled power in the rich, of imposing duties to any amount, you fubject the poor ore wholly to her difcretion, and make it in many cafes (for inftance, in the importation of raw manufacturing materials) for the real intereft of the rich country, to lay fuch heavy duties, as may almost amount to a prohibition, and thereby prevent any rivalship in trade; that a free partiCipation of all' commercial advantages is speci

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1786.

oufly held out to induce the poor country (Ireland) to accept of fuch delufive propofitions.

Is this conduct likely to promote that harmomy and concord between England and Ireland, which have been fo often expatiated on, with all the pomp of vain declamation, as the grand principle of this political union? Still it must be acknowledged, that there are new propofiti ons introduced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, among his modifications and regulations, and not even hinted at originally by Mr. Orde to the Irish house. Probably, indeed, (if one might hazard a conjecture, from their obvious drift and tendency) they were fuggefted to the right hon. Gentleman, by his worthy guardian and coadjutor (Mr. Jenkinfon) who fat at his right hand, and was defervedly high in his confidence and favour. He certainly thought it for the benefit of both countries, that Ireland should give up, not eo nomine, but fubftantially and effectually, the independence of her legiflature; and this is probably only part of his great fyftem; he is now only feeling his way; and as the bufinefs of next year will probably be a commercial treaty with America, he flatters himself the may be induced by the example of Ireland, to make a voluntary furrender of her independence, and perhaps fubmit in fome inftances to external taxation, fo that what has been loft by a fyftem of violence, may be recovered by a profound fyftem of political wisdom, and fuperior adroitnefs in negociation, and England may again flourish at the head of a great Empire, and eftablish and maintain her acknowledged fuperiority over America, Ireland, and all her other fubordinate appendages. But be this as it may, this plan must be productive of great diffatisfaction and jealouly; for oblerve the courfe and order of things, Ireland first obtained several commercial privileges from England; the faw clearly that the continuance of those commercial advantages must still be precarious, till the had obtained an independent legiflature to guard and protect those commercial privileges. But the order of things is now reveried, and the right hon. Gentleman attempts to feduce Ireland to give up her power of legislature in commercial points, and offers her the English market by way of commutation for the furrender of her conftitution. Such delufive and chimerical advantages, will hardly impose on the clear difcerning fpirit of the people of Ireland, efpecially as the original eleven propofitions offered by Mr. Orde, are totally changed, in fubftance and fpirit, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The evidence of the manufacturers at the Bar of the houfe, had probably arifen from grofs mistakes, or total ignorance of the real fituation of Ireland, He was far from throwing any ungenerous reflections on fuch a refpectable body of men, who had ipoken well and offered lentiments honestly and fincerely, and had acted with the utmost candour, fairness, and integrity.— But a moment's confideration would convince them that their apprehenfions were abfolutely groundless. It had been repeatedly urged, that Ireland had no taxes, whilst the people of England were opp effed and loaded; but what were truly the comparative and respective state of both countries? The true way of computing

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the burthens of a nation was to compute them from the income of the whole people; partly out of rents, partly out of labour, and partly out of trade, either for home confumption or exportation. The people of England, as nearly as it could be computed, and as it had been computed by the best writers on political arithmetic, are 8,000,000, and their medium expence per head 10l. which is the true national income (for men cannot spend more, or have lefs, than they receive or gain) 80,000,000l.The taxes of England (even with all its enormous debt) are not one-fixth of the income of the people. The people of Ireland are not quite 2,500,000; their medium expence by no computation ever yet made above 50s. (He faid, he fhould fuppofe it 31. 6,250,000l. per annum.)Ireland now raises in taxes near 1,500,000l. per annum, near a fifth of her whole income.The common cant about the Irish taxes arofe from hence, that they have not the fame taxes, nominally the fame with thofe of England.But then, they have fome that are of the fame nature in reality, and others infinitely more grievous, and that operate more heavily and detrimentally; for inftance, the Irish Quit Rent, Crown Rent, and Hearth Money, may be confi dered as a land tax, which undoubtedly they are, and produce about 110,000l. per annum, fo that Ireland pays in reality a land tax, equal to above 2s. 6d. in the pound, and that conftantly in time of peace and war, befides taxes on its imports. It also thould be confidered, that the rents of England are full twenty-one millions per annum, and the rents of Ireland are at most but two millions. Now confidering the immenfe difference of the Irish and English exports and imports, (which should also be taken into account) the amazing capitals of England, her skill, experience, and long habits of industry; is it to be imagined, after fubje&ting herself again to the controul of the British legislature; reftricting herself in the monopoly of the Eaft and Weft Indies; allowing her foreign trade to be cramped; and thus refigning the moft folid and fubitantial advantages, is it to be prefumed that he will be able to rival and underfell the English manufacturer? The advantages fallacioufly held out, the will find to be delufive and chimerical; and he again repeated, the would find herself deceived and disappointed; she would confider these amended propofitions as injurious and infidious; as a mockery on the merchants, a restriction of her free trade, an infult on her manufacturers, an infringement on her conftitution, a degradation of her legislature, and humiliation of a fpirited and generous people, who merited better treatment from the Minifter of the Crown, and the Parliament of England.

Mr. Jolliffe faid, he had conceived the most dreadful apprehenfions of the propofitions now before the house: he thought they were liable to produce every evil confequence, and that no be nefit could poffibly arife from them to this country; they yielded to Ireland a competition with the English manufacturer, even at our markets, and tended to enrich that country by the impoverishment of this. But in this (the 4th) propolition, he law indeed an attempt to what he though

thought a refumption of what was timidly, unwifely, and rafhly yielded by his friends. The legiflation for the empire at large, had been contrary, not only to prudence, but to common fenfe, given out of the power of the English parliament. What could be fo abfurd, or fuch a contradiction in terms, as to talk of an empire, without the power of external legislation, for the whole of that empire; how were the important concerns of the whole to be directed, but by one parliament? and who could imagine, that that parliament should be any other, than the parliament of that country where the executive power refided, and where the feat of empire was admitted to be? In this, therefore, he approved of this propofition, and from this he hoped the right hon. Gentleman would never depart; it was reftoring to this country a moft important object, without which our connection with Ireland was not only of no value, but was a weight, an expence, and an encumbrance. To reclaim that, to which Ireland never had a right, and which must be injurious to her, as well as to England, was boldly to effect a benefit to both countries, and in that the minifter had his concurrence, though not in any other respect,

Mr. Sheridan rofe as the question was going to be put, and faid, that as the perfevering filence of Minifters made it impoffible for him to guess whether they meant to admit the amendment or not, and as they had pursued the fame conduct in rejecting the amendment moved by the noble Lord near him, which he had the honour of feconding, he would take that opportunity of fpeaking to the refolution generally as it had been framed, and defended by the minifter, hefore it thould become ftill more objectionable, by extending the powers it was to lodge in Great Britain over the fifter kingdom. This, at lealt, Mr. Sheridan faid, was a question on which gen

tlemen were no longer to hear the defires and wifhes of Ireland urged as arguments for their concurrence; it was a matter wholly and entirely new; it was fo far from being any part of the offer made by Ireland, that it had never even been hinted at, or alluded to in the Irish parlia ment: it never had been once glanced at by Mr. Orde; it formed no part of the confideration recommended to the attention of the parliaments of both kingdoms in his Majesty's gracious speech from the throne; it was not to be found in the questions referred to the investigation of the committee of privy council, and the right hon. Gentleman himself (Mr. Pitt) in opening this bufinefs to the British parliament had not uttered one word that tended to fhew that this propoútion was effential to the fettlement propofed between the two kingdoms. The question then was, whether the new propofition now in debate, contained matter fit to be proposed from the par liament of this country to the parliament of Ire land? In his confcience he thought it did notit was injurious to make the offer, and it was folly to believe it could be accepted; it was not enough to fay that the parliament of Ireland ought not or dared not agree to it; they had not the powers to accede to it, it would be a conceffion beyond the limits of their truft, they would betray the confidence repofed in them, and the Irish nation would fpurn at the bondage which their degenerate reprefentatives had no authority to engage they should submit to. Much had been argued on a former day relative to the extent and spirit of this propofition. The event and conclufion of all those arguments from both fides of the house, warranted him now in afferting, that this refolution went in the fulleft extent to a complete refumption of the right of external legislation fo lately exercised but to folemnly renounced by Great Britain over Ireland. (To be continued.)

HILST gratitude from Mufe, the fong

WH requires,

I votive fing, nor heed what witlings fay That bribes alone can raise these fervid fires, But far be fuch from this my humble lay. Averfe to flatt'ry only let the Muse,

To him appear whole health invokes my song; Nor hall a blush evadingly refuse,

To own a charge that debt's unpaid too long.

Yet nobler motives actuate my breast,

Than those which venal may to mufe afçribe, No gilt donation, intereft's not the teft, "Tis hofpitality alone's the bribe.

Thofe pleafing hours spent 'neath thy homely roof,

Thou friendly man, rush on my raptur'd view And thoughts infpire with ftrong convincing proof;

That thou at worthy of the tribute due. Then hail, my Mufe, the happy hour embrace, When dire difeafe has pais'd from off thy friend; When rofy health now cheers again his face, To pray that long it may around attend.

Long may thy partner social with thee join, To sweeten joys with peace and comfet crown'd;

Long may thy for with blooming virtue fhine, And prove a bleffing when gray hairs abound. Thy fportive lambkins rear'd with tender care, Long may the crop along the fragrant mead; Thy cooing brood whose race thou'rt wont to fpare,

Oh! may they amply to their donor breed. Nor yet lefs num'rous be the finny race,

Thy young plantations may they stately rift; Thy fields be fertile yielding their encreafe, With golden crops 'neath the autumnal skies. Let peaceful raptures on each moment steal, Nor let for once fell jarring break repose; May plenty ftill mark out thy rifing weal,

And stand as barrier 'gainst corroding woes. Thofe pungent griefs, which mortals oftium

round,

Far be remov'd, oh! let them ne'er moleft; Around thy fhade may happiness abound, And make thee thine on earth completely bleft.

Cellbridge, 1786.

R. Y. Of